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PQ 233.T57

STUDIES IN THE
FRENCH RENAISSANCE

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

C. F. CLAY, Manager

LONDON : FETTER LANE, E.G. 4

NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.

BOMBAY

CALCUTTA ■ MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.

MADRAS

TORONTO : THE MACMILLAN CO. OF

CANADA, Ltd.
TOKYO : MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA

,] >f »V ffxM-lB K Aj>hy T ^KJV•,^'t^ "JV

v,n '■■—• W

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TITLE-PAGE OF JEAN DU RUEIL'S DE NATURA STIRTIVM

STUDIES IN THE
FRENCH RENAISSANCE

ARTHUR TILLEY, M.A.

FELLOW OF king's COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

CAMBRIDGE

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1922

THE MEMORY OF

HENRY BRADSHAW

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

PREFACE

A LL except two of the papers contained in this volume
l\ have appeared before in some form or another. But
all have been revised, added to, and in some cases largely
rewritten. The result is that nearly half the volume consists
of new matter.

The first paper, "The University of Caen," was originally
printed in a volume entitled Fasciculus Joanni Willis Clark
dicatus, in which many, friends of the late J. W. Clark united
to express their sense of his lifelong devotion to the cause of
knowledge and the service of the University. My own contri-
bution seemed a fitting tribute from an alumnus of Henry VI's
twin foundations of Eton and King's College, and I was
pleased to find that one of the Rectors of the University of
Caen was in many respects a prototype of our friend. He
was not only Registrary of his University, but he was dis-
tinguished for his devotion to its interests; he gave freely of
his books to its library; and he wrote a play for the students,
in which he took the chief part.

The paper on "The Prose Romances of Chivalry" appeared
in French in the Revue du seizieme Siecle for 1919; besides
translating it I have carefully revised it. "Rabelais and Geo-
graphical Discovery" was contributed to the Modern Lan-
guage Review from 1906 to 1910. "Rabelais and Henri H"
is practically new, only six pages having appeared before —
in French, in the Revue du seizieme Siecle (1907 and 1916).
The first part of "Rabelais and the Fifth Book," which relates
to the lie Sonante, was published in the Modern Language
Review for 1906-7; in the second part I have examined the
rest of the book. It is for others to determine how far I have
solved the long-disputed question of Rabelais's authorship.

The account of "Humanism under Francis I" is an ex-
panded and practically rewritten version of an article in the
English Historical Review (1900). Even now it does not pre-
tend to be more than a sketch of a small part of a very large
subject — the history of French Humanism — ^which still awaits
its historian. Such a history was once contemplated by
M. Pierre de Nolhac, but was abandoned by him under the

VI PREFACE

pressure of other work. It was also contemplated by Rene
Sturel, the author of Jacques Amyot, tradudeur des Vies
paralleles de Plutarque (1909), and he might have carried it
to a successful conclusion had he not, in the words of M. de
Nolhac, "given his hfe for his country, after honouring her
by his writings." He was mortally wounded in the first month
of the war and died soon afterwards in a German ambulance.
"With him vanished great hopes." Another able worker in
the same field is M. Louis Delaruelle, the historian of Bude,
and it is with pleasure that I note his return to the subject
with an article on the study of Greek at Paris (1514-30),
which has recently appeared in the Revue du seizieme Steele.
It came too late for me to profit by it, except that I have
adopted the French form of the name of Ruellius which he
found in the archives.

The paper on "Galliot Du Pre," which originally appeared
in The Library, has been revised and recast, and the list of
books published by him has been augmented by from thirty
to forty titles. "Dorat and the Pleiade" is mainly concerned
with Dorat's work as a scholar and textual critic. M. de
Nolhac's fine volume on Ronsard et I'Humanisme, in two
chapters of which he deals with the same subject, also came
to my notice too late for me to do more than refer to it in
a supplementary note. Of the next two papers, both of
which are entirely new, the first is concerned with Rabelais
and Montaigne, and the second with Montaigne alone. The
last paper of all was published in the English Historical Review
as far back as 1899. I have revised it in the light of later
research, without however making any important changes
in it.

I must express my thanks to the subscribers to the volume
published in honour of J. W. Clark, to the Societe des etudes
rabelaisiennes, to the Syndics of the Cambridge University
Press, to Messrs Longmans and Co., and to Sir J. Y.
MacAlister, the proprietor of The Library, for their courtesy
in permitting me to republish the papers above referred to.

A. T.

June 24, 1922.

CONTENTS

PAGE

I. THE UNIVERSITY OF CAEN AND THE RE-

NAISSANCE I

II. THE PROSE ROBIANCES OF CHIVALRY . . 12

III. RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY . 26

IV. RABELAIS AND HENRI II 66

V. RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK ... 85

VI. HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I . . . .123

VII. A PARIS BOOKSELLER— GALLIOT DU PR£ . 168

VIII. DORAT AND THE PLfilADE 219

IX. "FOLLOW NATURE" 233

X. MONTAIGNE'S INTERPRETERS . . . .259

XL SOME PAMPHLETS OF THE FRENCH WARS OF

RELIGION 294

NOTE ON DORAT 320

INDEX 321

LIST OF PLATES

Title-page of Jean Du Rueil' sDe Natura Stirpium frontispiece

PLATE TO FACE PAGE

I. Section of the " Map of Henri II " (so called) relating

to Canada 64

From the reproduction by Jomard in Monuments de la gio-
graphie. The original map, which is now in the Rylands
Library, Manchester, was made at Arques by Pierre Desceliers
in 1546, and therefore the current name is a misnomer. I do
not know why the pictures and most of the names are, ac-
cording to our ideas, upside-down. The Isle of St Brandan will
be seen in about latitude 51, east of a whale which is larger
than the boat engaged in harpooning it. The Isle aux Mar-
gaulx is at the entrance of the Gulf of St Lawrence. The
figure of Roberval is half-way between Ochelaga (Hochelaga)
and Le Sagnay (Saguenay).

II. A rowbarge of the navy of Henry VIII ... 80

From Anthony's Third RoU in the Pepysiaa Library,
Magdalene CoUege, Cambridge.

III. From the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili of Francesco

Colonna, Venice, 1499 ii8

From a copy in the Library of King's College, Cambridge.

IV. Portrait of Nicolas Bourbon by Hans Holbein, the

younger 161

From the original drawing (a sketch for a lost picture) in the
Royal Galleries, Windsor.

V. Portrait of Ronsard 228

From an engraving in Ronsard, CEuvres, Paris, 1609.

VI. Tower of Montaigne's chateau 259

From a lithograph by Marie Payen in J.-F. Payen's Re-
cherches sur Montaigne, no. 4, 1856.

X LIST OF PLATES

PLATE

VII. Facsimile of page 131 recto of the copy of the 1588
edition of Montaigne's Essais in the Municipal
Library of Bordeaux . . . between 282 & 283
By the kind permission of the Municipality of Bordeaux.

The following is a transcription of the manuscript
addition as finally corrected by Montaigne. Note the
differences in the ink and the writing.

Les paisans simples sont honestes gens, et honestes gens les
philosophes ou selon nostre temps des natures fortes et cleres
enrichies d'une large instruction de sciances utilles. Les
mestis qui ont desdeignS le premier siege de Tignorance des
lettres et u'out peu iouiudre lautre (le cnl entre deux selles)
desquels ie suis, et tant d'autres, sont dangereux, ineptes, im-
portuns : ceus icy troblet le moude. Pourtant de ma part ie
me recule tant que ie puis dans le premier & naturel siege,
dou ie me suis pour neant essaie de partir. La poesie populere
et purement naturelle a des na'ifvetez et graces pax ou elle se
compare a la principale beaute de la poesie parfaicte selon
I'art: comme il se uoit es uillanelles de gascouigne, et aux
chan9ons qu'on nous raporte des nations qui n'ont conois-
sance d'aucune sciance ny mesmes d'escriture. La poSsie
mediocre qui s'arrete entre deus est dedeignee, sans honur et
sans pris.

The editor of the fAition Municipale has made use
of the text of 1595 to restore the letters ploughed
away by the binder.

THE UNIVERSITY OF CAEN AND THE
RENAISSANCE

The twin colleges of Eton and King's were not Henry VI's
first experiment as a Founder. Nine years earlier, when he
was still a child, his uncle, John Duke of Bedford, had founded
in his name the University of Caen. In the Charter, granted
at Rouen, January 31, 1431 (N.S.), he is made to say that
"there being no Faculty (studium) of Civil Law in any of his
French provinces, he thereby established and founded a
studium generate for Canon and Civil Law in his town of Caen,
a town convenient, peaceful, and secure, adorned with famous
monasteries, colleges, convents, and other ecclesiastical foun-
dations, situated on a fertile soU, and near the sea, and so of
convenient access for both students and merchants from
nearly every quarter of the earth^." The foundation of the
new University was keenly resented by the University of
Paris, but the English government paid no heed to its remon-
strances. On the contrary, they added new faculties. Arts
and Theology in 1437, Medicine in 1438. On May 29, 1439,
the foundation was confirmed by a Bull of Eugenius IV, in
which the Bishop of Bayeux was designated as Chancellor.
Just before this, on May 26, the King had issued from his
palace of Kensington letters-patent containing the statutes
for his new University, and on October 20 of the same year it
was solemnly inaugurated with an imposing ceremonial in the
Church of Saint-Pierre. In the following January a Rector
was appointed in the person of Michael Tregury, a former

1 A. de Bourmont, La fondation de I' University de Caen in Bulletin de la
Soci6U des Aniiquaires de Normandie, xii (1884), 293 ff. Piices justificatives,
I. See also for the history of the University, L'Abb6 de La Rue, Essais
historiques sur la ville de Caen, 2 vols., Caen, 1820; H. Rashdall, The Uni-
versities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 11. pt i. 194-198, Oxford, 1895;
H. Prentout, Renovatio ac Reformatio in Universitate Cadomensi, Caen, 1901.

T.S.F.R. I

2 THE UNIVERSITY OF CAEN

Fellow of Exeter (1422-1427) and a future Archbishop of
Dublin (1449-1471). He held ofhce till- October— the regular
term of office was for six months — ^when he was succeeded
by Jean Lenfant, a man of some note, and one of the chief
supporters of the English rule in Normandy.

The most famous of these early Rectors was Thomas Basin,
Dean of the Faculty of Canon Law, who at the time of the
siege of Caen by the French (June 1450) held the rich and
important bishopric of Lisieux. It was mainly through his
influence that the town capitulated on favourable terms. He
rallied to Charles VII, who placed great confidence in him,
but, having incurred the displeasure of the Dauphin, the
future Louis XI, he had to submit to many indignities during
his reign and was finally compelled to resign his see. His
chief work is a Latin history of the reigns of Charles VII and
Louis XI^, which contains much valuable first-hand informa-
tion, but which, owing to the writer's natural bias against
Louis XI, must be used with caution. Basin also assisted in
the rehabilitation of Joan of Arc and at the request of
Charles VII wrote a memoir on her behalf.

Among the other more important officials of the University
was the scriba or secretary, who performed many of the duties
of the Cambridge Registrary. He also had charge of the cata-
logue of the University library, and assisted the Rector in
his inspection of the books. The minor officials included six
bedels, one for each of the five Faculties, and one for the
special service of the Rector, two booksellers (librarii), two
parchmenters, two illuminators, two bookbinders, a beU-
ringer (pulsator), and seven messengers, who carried on the
postal service in the seven dioceses into which Normandy
was divided.

The new University had no local habitation of its own, but
the Founder assigned to the two original Faculties of Civil
and Canon Law part of a house in the street which is still
called the Rue des CordeUers, and later the other three
Faculties were installed in the remaining part. The house was
the property of the Duke of Orleans, whose widow, mother

1 Edited by Quicherat for the SocUU de I'histoire de France.

COLLEGES 3

of the future Louis XII, gave it to the University in 1477^,
when it became known as Les Grandes Scales. The University
itself, as distinguished from the Faculties, had to be content
with the hospitality of the neighbouring Franciscan convent,
where its Congregations were generally held and where its
archives were deposited.

The students were obliged to lodge in the University
quarter. The rent of their lodgings was assessed, not by taxors,
as at Cambridge and in most Universities, but by a Syndicate
composed of the Rector, a representative of each Faculty,
the Vicomte de Caen, and two or three "notables" of the
town. This was also the practice at Orleans. As in other Uni-
versities there were Colleges with bursaries or scholarships
for poor students, but only three of these can be said to have
flourished. The oldest and least important was the College of
Le Cloutier, founded in 1452 by Roger Le Cloutier for a Prin-
cipal and two scholars. The College of Arts was founded by
that Faculty in 1460, and installed in a house which the
Faculty had purchased immediately opposite the Grandes
Scales. The College of Du Bois in the Rue Saint-Sauveur was
founded in 1491 by Jean de Gouvis. Fifty years earlier (1442)
Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, of infamous memory,
had left a sum of money for the support of two scholars at
Caen or elsewhere. But the will had been disputed by his
heirs, and it was not tOl 1491 that Gouvis, who was one of
Cauchon's executors, definitely founded the College, with
provision for a Principal and six scholars. It seems probable,
as Bourmont suggests, that Cauchon's legacy was in the nature
of an expiation, and that the name of the College perpetuated
that of Nicolas Du Bois, Dean of Rouen and Master of a
pedagogic, whose house Gouvis bought for the local habitation
of his scholars. It was natural that he should have shrunk
from associating his College with the Bishop who had been
the chief instrument in the fate of Joan of Arc, and against
whom the populace had manifested their hatred by disinter-
ring his remains and flinging them into the sewers.

The College of Du Mont, when the Jesuits captured it in

1 H. Prentout, La vie de l'£tudiant A Caen au XVI' sUcle, Caen, 1905.

4 THE UNIVERSITY OF CAEN

1609, had only existed as a College for fifteen years. Huet,
the learned Bishop of Avranches, claims, indeed, in his
Antiquites de Caen, that it was of much older foundation, but
it has been clearly shown that its earUer condition was only
that of a pedagogie, which owed its name to its being rented
from the abbot and monks of Mont-Saint-MicheP

The subjects of study at Caen were the same as in other
mediaeval Universities. Aristotle as elsewhere occupied the
chief place. Beside the famous Summulae of Petrus Hispanus
we find in use those of Albertus Magnus and Buridan, that
Paris professor of philosophy, whose name has been preserved,
not by his learned treatises, but by the strange tradition,
which inspired the fines in Villon's Ballade:

Semblablement, ou est la royne
Qui commanda que Buridan
Fust jette en ung sac en Seine?

and which suggested the name of Dumas's hero in La Tour
de Nesle. As in other Universities too. Disputations were the
constant occupation of the student and the only method of
examination. In the Faculty of Arts, for instance, the whole
of Lent was consecrated to these exercises.

This mediaeval system of education retreated but slowly
before the incoming tide of the Renaissance. We know what
a stubborn resistance the University of Paris offered to the
new studies, and that it was not tifi 1530, when the Royal
Professors were appointed, that the first breach can be said
to have been made in her defences. Caen, as was natural, was
even slower than Paris to leave the old ways. The reform
imposed upon the University by the Parlement of Rouen in
1521 only affected the superior Faculties, and was concerned
rather with the conduct and manners of the students than
with their education 2. But if the University as a whole was
unfavourable to the new studies they met with a readier re-
ception in the Colleges. Thanks to Leopold Defisle's admirable
record of the books printed and published at Caen from 1480

1 See La Rue, i. 235 flf.

" H. Prentout, Une riforme parlementaire d. VVniversM de Caen in Bull.
Soc. Ant. Norm. xxii. pp. 241 fi,, Caen, 1902.

SCHOOL-BOOKS 5

to 1550 1 we can in some measure trace the progress of the
new movement. For, as Dehsle points out, a noticeable
feature of the printing and bookselling trade at Caen during
the first half of the sixteenth century is its close connexion
with the University. A very large proportion of the books
are school-books.

It was at once a school-book and a classical book which
inaugurated the printing press at Caen, — an edition of the
Epistles of Horace with blank spaces for manuscript notes
between the lines ^- Of the printers, Jacques Durandas and
Gilles Quijoue, nothing more is known, and no other book
was printed at Caen tUl the year 1509. Meanwhile the Caen
pubHshers, Pierre Regnault (1492-15 19) and Robert Mace
{1498-1506), provided their clients with books printed at
Rouen or Paris. The only other classical work which appeared
before the close of the fifteenth century was an edition of
Ovid's Metamorphoses (1496), with a commentary revised by
Jean Gouvain, a doctor in theology of the University*. Even
during the first two decades of the sixteenth century the
number of classical works issued at Caen was very small,
consisting of Ovid's Liber de remedio amoris, another edition
of Horace's Epistles, Terence, two editions of Virgil's Eclogues,
and one of his complete works. Of the two editions of the
Eclogues one was printed at Caen by Laurent Hostingue, who
had set up a press there in 1508 at the instigation of the
publisher Michel Angier. To these must be added Boethius's
De consolatione, five editions of which were published at Caen
during the first decade of the nineteenth century, two being
printed there.

It must not be supposed that the record of books pubhshed
at Caen includes all the classical texts that were read in the

1 Bull. Soc. Ant. Norm, xxiii and xxiv; and see Essai sur I'imprimerie
et la libraiyie de Caen, Caen, 1891.

* There are three known copies, one in the BibliothSque Nationale, Paris,
one in the collection bequeathed to the town of Paris by the brothers Dutuit,
and one in the Rylands Ubrary at Manchester. Dr J. H. Clapham, Fellow
of King's College, who kindly examined the latter copy for me, tells me that
it has interlineatory notes in faint handwriting on the first 36 leaves but
none on the remaining 40.

' For the preface see Delisle, op. iit. 11. 4.

6 THE UNIVERSITY OF CAEN

University. Many were doubtless imported from Rouen and
Paris. Besides the texts themselves we find the Caen pub-
lishers producing other humanist school-books, such as
grammars, dictionaries, phrase-books, and other aids to com-
position, a large proportion of them being edited by professors
of the University. We have an abridged edition of Despau-
terius under the title of Contextus grammaticae artis, and two
smaller treatises, Ars versificatoris and De introductione artis
grammatice, by his bUnd countrjTman Petrus de Ponte of
Bruges (c. 1475-after 1539), who lectured at Paris from about
1505, and who in one of his works attacks Despauterius with
much acerbity. The weU-known grammar of Nicolas Perotti,
the first large Latin grammar of the Renaissance, which
Erasmus in his De rations studendi praises as the most com-
plete of his day, was pubUshed about 15 10 by Michel Angier
in conjunction with Jean Mace of Rennes, with whom he had
a joint establishment at Rouen. The same publishers, with
Richard Mace for a third partner, brought out an abridged
edition of Valla's Elegantiae by Guy Jouermaux (Guido
Juvenalis) of Le Mans. A larger work of the seime character,
the Elegantiarum precepta of the Sienese humanist, Agostino
Dati, was edited with copious commentaries by Josse
Clichtove and Josse Badius Ascensius, to which was added
the popular treatise of Sulpizio di Veroli, De epistolis com-
ponendis. Dati's work was rendered into Latin verse by
Robert Buisson (Dumus) of Lisieux, and the same professor
published with Michel Angier a grammar (Epythomata gram-
matice) for beginners. Together with Nicolas Cadier, who
edited Terence, and Pierre Des Pres, he was a versifier of
some skill and taste, though his verses are not free from false
quantities. The contribution of Guillaume Le Moine, of Ville-
dieu in Lower Normandy (the birthplace of the famous author
of the Doctrinale), to the cause of rising humanism was a small
Latin-French dictionary, which went through three editions,
all published at Caen about the year 1530, and gained for the
author the honour of being mentioned by La Croix Du Maine
in his Bibliotheque.

A favourite text-book at this time for students of Latin

GRAMMARS 7

was the Contra poetas impudice loquentes or Contra impudice
scribentes of Baptista Mantuanus, the "good old Mantuan."
An edition of it was printed by Laurent Hostingue for Michel
Angler. No edition of his equally popular Eclogues appears
in Dehsle's record, and his verse is only represented by
religious poems, including parts of his long poems on the
Virgin Mary and the chief Virgin Martjnrs.

Side by side with the new school-books there still flourished
the time-honoured ones over which Gargantua pored under
Thubal Holofernes and Maitre JobeUn Bride, the Grecismus,
the Doctrinale, Donatus, various works by Joannes de
Garlandia, the Compotus of Anianus, and the eight moral
treatises in prose and verse which were known collectively
as the Auctores octo, Cato, Aesopus, the Parabolae of Alanus,
Facetus, Floretus, Theodulus, De contemptu mundi, and Tobias^.
Nor was the collection of sermons, entitled Dormi secure,
which Gargantua had read to him on festivals, forgotten by
the Caen pubUshers^.

A higher type of humanistic literature than school-books
is represented by the De triplici vita of MarsigUo Ficino, the
Florentine Platonist, and by the Adagia of Erasmus. An
edition of the latter, without place of publication, but almost
certainly pubhshed at Caen, contains an epitaph in Latin
verse on Jean Goubey, Syndic of the University, who is
memorable as the only Caen professor of this period of whom
it is recorded that he gave public lectures in Greek. He is

1 Tkobias (as it is invariably spelt in the old editions) was printed separately
less often than the other Auctores octo and in consequence seems to be less
well known. It is a poem in Latin elegiacs on the story of Tobit and his son
written in the twelfth century by Matthieu de Vendome, the author of
various Latin poems, who has often been confused with the far more famous
Matthieu de Vendome who acted as regent of the kingdom on two occasions
in the thirteenth century (Hist. Litt. xv. 420 ff.). According to the Histoire
Littiraire Thobias was printed at Lyons by Jean du Pre in 1489, but nothing
is known of this edition, and the only authenticated one printed in the
fifteenth century is a Haarlem one of about the same date. It was printed
twice at Caen, with a commentary, during the period 1500-1520. The last
separate edition of it is that of Bremen, 1642.

^ See Rabelais, Gargantua, xiv, where most of these books are mentioned
as plajdng a part in Gargantua's education, and Rabelais, selected by W. F.
Smith (Cambridge, 1920), who in an appendix describes fully the text-
books of the old learning.

8 THE UNIVERSITY OF CAEN

described in the epitaph, the date of which is about 1529, as
Nestoreis annis. Charies de Bourgueville, Sieur de Bras, the
historian of Normandy, who was a student of the College of
Du Bois from 1517 to 1519, attended his lectures^.

On the whole then, it appears that the new studies made
but slow progress, even in the Colleges. Thus in the year 1530
we find David Jore, who held office as Rector in the following
year, inveighing in eloquent terms against the unlearned con-
dition of his University ten years back. Quanta barbaric,
Deum immortalem, nostra Cadomensis academia squalebat!
Emoriar si quid latinum expostulabatur. Even in 1530 things
had not much improved. "Good hterature" [he means, of
course, classical literature] "flourishes in Britain and Ger-
many, but with us a Latin scholar is far to seek. The fault
lies with our nobles, whose sole care is to give their sons the
best masters for the training of dogs and horses^."

Five years, however, before this Jeremiad was uttered
there died at Coutances in his seventy-fifth year a Caen pro-
fessor of real distinction and wide repute as a hiunanist. This
was Guillaume de La Mare^ (1451-1525), who, having mi-
grated from Caen to Paris on account of the plague, com-
pleted his studies and took his degree in the latter University.
Then returning to Caen he gave several years to the study of
law and the humanities, and at the same time made himself
a name as a writer of Latin prose and verse. But at the age
of forty-one he sought a more remunerative career, and for
ten years acted as secretary successively to Robert Brifonnet,
Archbishop of Reims and Chancellor of France, to his suc-
cessor in the Chancellorship, Guy de Rochefort, who was a
liberal patron of the new learning, and to GuiUaume Bri9onnet,
the grasping and ambitious Cardinal of Saint-Malo. He re-
turned to Caen in 1503 or 1504, and, having taken his degrees

1 Les recherches et antiquiUs de la province de Neustrie, h present duchi de
Normandie...et spicialement de la ville et universM de Caen, Caen, 1588;
Rouen, 1833.

* Delisle, op. cit. 11. 52.

» He gives a brief sketch of his life in the preface to his Chimera. See also
Trithemius, De script, eccl. Add. i, and Ch. Fierville, £:tude sur la vie
et les asuvres de G. de La Mare in M^m. de I'Acadimie de Caen, 1892, pp.
42 ff.

GUILLAUME DE LA MARE 9

in Canon and Civil Law, had the honour of being chosen
Rector of the University in March 1506.

In 1511 he was appointed Canon and Treasurer of the
Cathedral of Coutances, and two years later he was chosen
to pronounce the ftineral oration of Geoffroy Hubert, the late
bishop, whose body had just been transported to the Cathe-
dral. Later in the year 1513 he sent it to the press with nine
other orations and with a selection from his correspondence.
The book appeared in the following June^. The letters and a
volume of occasional poems which he had published under
the title of Sylvae^ in the previous year (1513) give us a fairly
complete hst of the leading French humanists at this period.
It includes Robert Gaguin, Jacques Lefdvre d'fitaples, Fausto
AndreUni, Josse Badius, Paolo Emilio, and three Paris
professors, Gilles de Delft, Charles Femand and his brother
Jean ^ Only the first, it may be noticed, was a Frenchman by
birth, for fitaples at the date of Lefevre's birth belonged to
Burgundy. Patrons are represented by the Cardinal d'Am-
boise, Guy de Rochefort, and Charles Guillard, a president
of the Paris Parlement.

Just before the publication of the Sylvae there appeared
from the same press a poem by La Mare of a satirical character
entitled Tripertitus in Chimeram conflictus, and divided into
three books, Superbia, Libido, Avaritia*- The same moral and
satirical tendency appears in a short prose work made up of
citations from Greek and Latin authors which La Mare pub-
lished in the preceding year (1512) with the title of De tribus
fugiendis, ventre, pluma et venere, libelli ires^- He also wrote
a paraphrase of Musaeus* in hexameters. La Mare's reputa-
tion as a writer of Latin prose and verse was not undeserved.
It is true that neither his syntax nor his prosody is impec-
cable; but he writes like a man who has something to say,

' Epistolae et orationes, Paris, Regnault, 1514.

^ Sylvarum libri quatuor, Paris, Badius Ascensius, 1513.

' See L. Delaruelle, Guillaume Budd, 1907, pp. 17, 18.

* Paris, Badius Ascensius, 1513. The La Valli^re catalogue II, No. 2635,
mentions an edition without place or date, but with a dedication by the
author dated from Caen University, Christmas Day, 15 10.

•'' Paris, H. Stephanus, 1512; Paris, S. Colinaeus, 1521.

" Paris, Badius Ascensius, 15 14.

10 THE UNIVERSITY OF CAEN

and he says it with ease and vigour. His satirical poem
especially shows considerable power both of thought and
expression, and his verse generally has that quahty which is
the salt of all poetry, in whatever language it is written,
namely movement.

La Mare's immediate predecessor in the Rectorship was
Pierre de L'Esnauderie, who held the office of scriba to the
University, which, as we have seen, combined the duties of
secretary and registrary. He was also registrar of the Court
of Privileges^. He was distinguished for his loyalty to the
University and his devotion to its interests. Sometimes in-
deed these carried him too far, as, for instance, when during
his Rectorate he proposed that the Charter and Statutes of
Henry VI should be burnt, in order to obliterate the connexion
between the University and this country. However, the
registrary triumphed over the patriot, and by a happy in-
consistency he made a copy of the obnoxious documents for
his Matrologium, which he presented to the University in
1515. Five years later he gave all his books, about eighty in
number, to the University Ubrary. His writings include two
Latin treatises, one of which is entitled Opusculum de doctori-
bus et privilegiis eorum, a prose work in French, La louenge de
manage et recueil des histoires des bonnes vertueuses et illustres
femmes, in which he tells the story of a girl in his parish who
at the age of fourteen could hold her own in Latin grammar
against all the male students who came to dispute with her 2,
and a farce or moraUty-play, entitled Les Pattes Ouaintes {The
greased palms). This latter was written in 1493, when the Uni-
versity was engaged in an embittered dispute with the Crown
concerning a tax which, with the consent of Charles VIII, the
Pope had imposed on the French Church. It was played on
Shrove Tuesday by the students, L'Esnauderie himself taking
the part of Pattes Ouaintes and being made up to resemble
Girard Bureau, lieutenant to the bailiff of Caen, who was one
of the officials charged with the collection of the tax. Another
opponent of the University, the Bishop of Chalons, figures in

1 Delisle, op. cit. ii. cxiv.
^ Delisle, op. cit. ii. xcvi.

LE PUY DU PALINOD II

the play under the picturesque name of Ribonribaine, and the
University itself appears as La Mere''-.

These farces, which in later years were exchanged for
classical plays, remained an interesting feature of Caen Uni-
versity life till the middle of the sixteenth century. Of some-
what later date was the Puy du Palinod, or annual poetical
contest in honour of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin
Mary, founded in 1527. A similar contest had been held at
Rouen since i486, and there were Puys at Evreux and Dieppe,
and in various towns of Picardy. The contests at Caen were
managed by a Confrerie, to which all members of the Uni-
versity might belong on payment of a fee. The President for
the year bore the grandiloquent title of Premier prince du
Palinod. On the first day of the festival the competitors re-
cited their poems, which took the form of Ballades, Chants
royaux, Rondeaux, or Latin epigrams, and were all in honour
of the Immaculate Conception. On the second day the judges
were appointed, and within three days they had to make
their report. The prizes were then distributed, one prize being
awarded for each class of composition. The successful pieces
were printed, the expense being defrayed out of the fines paid
by officials who failed to attend the Annual Congregations of
June 28 and October 10^. In 1550 the contests were aban-
doned, but they were re-established in 1558, and before long,
owing to the remarkable literary talent displayed at Caen
during the last quarter of the sixteenth century and the first
half of the seventeenth, they attained considerable celebrity.
Among the prize-winners were Bertaut, Malherbe, Sarasin,
and Segrais.

1 H. Prentout, La vie de V&tudiant h Caen au XVI' sUcle, Caen, 1905,

pp. 43-50-

2 La Rue, op. cit. 11. 154-160; Delisle, op. cit. n. 99.

THE PROSE ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY

The great majority of the prose romances of chivalry were
written during the second half of the fifteenth century. But
the oldest are much earlier than this. At the beginning of the
thirteenth century men began to make prose versions of the
Arthurian romances, and from 1215 to 1230 Lancelot, the
Saint-Graal, Merlin, Perceval, and Tristan, after one or two
re-shapings, took the form which the printing-press later
made definitive. These prose versions were produced under
the same influence as the poems which they represented, that
of the courtly love to which we owe the lyrical poetry of the
trouveres and the first part of the Roman de la Rose [circ. 1225).
To the same period belongs the prose rendering of the Roman
de Thebes, the starting-point of which was a compilation
written between 1223 and 1230, and printed in the sixteenth
century under the title of Edipus. The second half of the thir-
teenth century is represented only by Alexandre le Grand, a
translation of the Historia de Praeliis, which owed its success
largely to that of the celebrated poetical romance, the
Roman d' Alexandre.

Five romances out of those which were afterwards printed
were written in the fourteenth century — Les quatrefils Aymon,
Giron le Courtois, Meliadus, Berinus, and Melusine. The last-
named romance, which was written by Jean d' Arras for John,
Due de Berri, dates from 1387 to 1393; Giron le Courtois and
Meliadus, which represent respectively the second and the
first part of the poem of Palamede, are assigned, one to the
first half and the other to the second half of the century. The
date of the composition of Berinus has not been determined
with precision, but seeing that it contains Greek and Oriental
elements, it may be conjectured that it belongs to the first

FIFTEENTH CEKTURY VERSIONS 13

quarter of the centtiry, that is to say, to a period when pro-
jects for a new Crusade were still in the air. Finally, Les
quatrefils Aymon, also called Renaud de Montauban, the oldest
prose representative of the chansons de gesie, dates from the
end of the century, either from those years of perpetual
festivity which preceded the madness of Charles VI, or a little
later, from the period of the truce with England.

The first half of the fifteenth century, during which the
kingdom was rent by civil and foreign warfare, was little
favourable either to literature or to the leisure necessary for
the reading of long romances. It was only about 1450, the
year in which the English were driven out of Normandy, that
the transformation into prose of the romances of chivalry
received a fresh impetus. Pierre de Provence was put into
prose in 1453, and Huon de Bordeaux in 1458 ; Galien rhetor e is
of about the same date. The place where this class of literature
flourished most was the Court of Burgundy under Philip the
Good. We owe Jason el Medee (about 1450) and the Recueil
des histoires de Troye (1464) to Raoul Le Fevre the Duke's
almoner. Perceforest, that encyclopedia of chivalry, was re-
fashioned about 1450 by his librarian and copjdst, Daniel
Aubert, who also translated or more probably wrote the
romance of the Troisfils de Roi (1463). Another of the Duke's
copjrists, Jean Wauquelin, made prose versions of Girard de
Roussillon (1447) and La belle Helene (1448).

By the end of the fifteenth century nearly all the romances
of chivalry which found their way into print, had been turned
into prose. I only know of three prose versions which date
from the sixteenth century: Richard sans Peur (about 1535),
Flores et Blanchefleur (about 1550), and Guillaume de Palerme
(about 1550). Turpin (1527), Mdbrian (1525 or 1526), and
Meurvin (1540) are original works.

In his interesting paper Les Adaptations en prose des chan-
sons degeste^, the late fimile Besch pointed out that the printed
prose romances bear the impress of a spirit which is partly
bourgeois and partly clerical. Seeing that the majority of
those which are derived from the chansons de geste or the

^ Revue du seizUme sUcle, hi (1915), 155 ff.

14 THE PROSE ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY

romans d'aventures were compiled during the second half of
the fifteenth century, the bourgeois colouring is not surprising.
For during that period the influence of the bourgeoisie steadily
increased. One of the keystones of Louis XI's policy was the
creation of an aristocratic bourgeoisie to serve as a counter-
weight to the power of the feudal lords. Thanks to their grow-
ing prosperity, the newly enriched bourgeois bought the lands
of the ruined nobles, buUt chateaux and hotels, and became
patrons of artists and men of letters. Thus it came to pass
that their practical and positive spirit communicated itself to
the prose romances and helped to determine their character.

The first prose romance to be printed was probably Pierre
de Provence, the princeps of which, from the press of
Bartholome Buyer at Lyons, is assigned by MUe Pellechet to
the year 1472. Next come the two works of Raoul Le Fevre,
the Recueil des histoires de Troye and Jason et Medee, both
without place or date of publication, but now recognised as
printed at Bruges by Colard Mansion, and either in 1477
(according to the most recent authority, Mr Gordon Duff), or
about that year (Hain-Copinger, Blades, Proctor). It must be
added that the Recueil is certainly earlier than Jason et Medee,
and that it is just possible that a Lyons edition of the latter
from the press of Philippi and Reinhard, who printed from
1477 to 1482, is earlier than the Bruges one.

Three romances bear the date of 1478 : Melusine, the print-
ing of which, by Steinschaber of Geneva, was finished in
August; Fierabras, which came from the same press on
November 28 ; and Baudoin de Flandres, printed at Lyons by
Buyer. A little later come Ponthus et la belle Sidoine, printed
with the same type as Melusine and Fierabras, the Destruction
de Jerusalem and Apollin de Tyr, both printed at Geneva
about 1480, and Les quatrefils Aymon, attributed to a Lyons
press and assigned to the years 1480-1485. In 1484, according
to Proctor, Pierre Schenck printed Clamades at Vienne; at
Lyons Valentin et Orson was printed by Maillet in 1489,
Robert le Diable by Mareschal and Chaussard in 1496, and
Bertrand Du Guesclin by an unknown printer after 1480.

PRINTING OF THE ROMANCES 15

Passing from the south to the north we find Jean le Bourgeois
inaugurating the Arthurian romances at Rouen with Lancelot
in 1488 and Tristan in 1489, the latter in partnership with
Jean du Pre. The same Jean du Pr6, in partnership with
Pierre Gerard at Abbeville, after printing the Somme rurale
of BoutiUier and the magnificent edition of St Augustine's
Cite de Dieu in i486, crowned his enterprise in that town with
the princeps of Les Neuf Preux in 1487.

Curiously enough, Paris did not take any share in the
printing of the prose romances of chivalry till the last decade
of the fifteenth century, and down to 1500 the sole publisher
of them was Verard. His publications were CUriadus (1495),
Ogier le Danois (between 1492 and 1499), and Galien rhetor e
(1500). In 1500 he had a rival in Michel Le Noir, who issued
Les prouesses d'Hercule. There remain to be noted Paris et
Vienne, printed at Antwerp by Gerard Leeu in 1487, and
Olivier de Castile and Artus de Bretaigne, printed in 1482
and 1493 respectively by presses which have not yet been
identified.

Thus by the end of the fifteenth century twenty-four prose
romances of chivalry had been printed, some of them several
times.

Twelve followed during the years 1501-1514; twenty-seven
date from the reign of Francis I; and four — Gerard d'Euphrate
(1549), Geoffroy d la grand dent (1540), Guillaume de Palerme
(1552), and Flares et Blanchefleur — ^were printed in the reign
of Henry II.

Both at Paris and at Lyons there were booksellers who
specialised in these romances. At Paris, it was chiefly the
two establishments which bore as respective signs the Shield
of France and the Image of St Nicholas. Both were situated
in the Rue Neuve-Notre-Dame. The successive owners of the
Shield of France were Jean Trepperel and his widow, Jean
Jehannot, Alain Lotrian, and Nicolas Chrestien ; of the Image
of St Nicholas Jean de Saint-Denys and his widow, Pierre
Sergent (all three associated with Jean Longis), Jean Bonfons,
who married Sergent's daughter, and his son Nicolas. At
Lyons the two booksellers and printers who published the

l6 THE PROSE ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY

most romances of chivalry were Claude Nourry (1499-1532
and Olivier AmouUet. As everyone knows, it was Nourry who
printed, in 1532, first, Les grandes et inestimdbles Cronicques,
the burlesque romance of chivalry which owed its great suc-
cess to Rabelais's revision, and then Pantagruel.

Judging from the number of times that the various
romances were printed, the most popular of all was Les quaire
fits Aymon, which by the close of the reign of Francis I had
been printed at least eighteen times, the first five editions
coming from Lyons presses. Next comes Fierabras of which
I have counted fifteen editions down to 1536, eight printed
at Lyons and three only at Paris. From 1501 its title was
Conqueste du grand roy Charlemagne des Espagnes et les
vaillances des douze pairs de France, Et aussi celles de Fierabras.
The third place is taken by Pierre de Provence, which was
printed twelve times in the same period, four times at Lyons,
twice at Paris, and twice at Rouen. It furnished Marot with
the subject-matter for his First Epistle, La belle Maguelonne
d son ami Pierre de Provence. For the fourth place there are
two competitors, Melusine and Artus de Bretaigne, each with
ten editions from 1478 to 1550. Then come, more or less
together, but all with fewer than ten editions, Baudouin de
Flandres, Galien rhetore, Valentin et Orson, Ponthus et la belle
Sidoine, Ogier le Danois, Robert le Diable, and Huon de
Bordeaux, the last being printed relatively late, viz. in
1513-

But we must not accept the number of editions which have
come down to us as an infallible test of their relative popu-
larity. Seeing that some of the editions are represented by a
single copy, there are very possibly others which have dis-
appeared altogether. For instance, we know that Huon de
Bordeaux, the impressions of which (including an undated
Rouen edition, and one from the Paris press of Jean Bonfons,
who printed from 1547 to 1568) do not exceed six, was very
popular, largely on account of the part played in it by magic.
It is cited by Montaigne {Essais, i. 25) with Lancelot and
Amadis as a type of "these nonsensical books which amuse
children," and it figures with RobeH le Diable, Fierabras and

POPULARITY OF THE ROMANCES 17

other books of "high growth" {haute fustaye) in the Prologue
of Pantagruel.

We may compare with the testimony of the printed editions
the names of the heroes of romances who appear in Rabelais's
picture of the infernal regions {Pant. 11. xxx). Here are
Fierabras, Valentine and Orson, Giglan and Gauvain^,
Geoffrey with the great tooth (a son of Melusine), Godfrey
of Boulogne, Jason, Arthur of Britain, Perceforest, Ogier the
Dane, Galien restaure, the four sons of Aymon, Melusine, and
Matabrune. In the ballade prefixed by Charles de Bourdigne
in his Legende de Pierre Faifeu, which was printed at Angers
in the same year (1532) as Pantagruel, mention is made of
Artus, Lancelot, Merlin, Tristan, Robert le Diable, Fierabras,
Orson, and Ponthus. Lastly, Noel du Fail in his Contes et
discours d'Entrapel says that in the time of "the great King,
Francis," you would find on the dresser in the sitting-room
of a country gentleman a French Bible, the Calendrier des
Bergers, the Legende doree, the Roman de la Rose, Les quatre
fils Aymon, Ogier le Danois, and Melusine.

When the Bibliotheque hleue came to an end in 1863, it still
numbered amongst its chap-books, Valentin et. Orson, Les
quatre fils Aymon, Huon de Bordeaux, Galien, and Robert le
Diable, besides two which in their original form were com-
paratively late to appear in print. La belle Helene (1528) and
Richard sans peur (c. 1535).

The passages in Rabelais cited above, and others which
refer to particular romances, have been carefully recorded and
commented on by M. Plattard in his (Euvre de Rabelais^ He
notes reminiscences of Ogier le Danois, Fierabras, and Valentin
et Orson, and a reference to the tomb of Geoffrey with the
great tooth at Maillezais {Pant. chap. v). It was natural, he
points out, that Rabelais should take a special interest in
the legend of Geoffrey and his mother, Melusine, connected as
it was with the chateau of Lusignan, which Melusine inhabited,
and with the abbey of Maillezais, which Geoffrey burnt.

1 Giglan fils de Gauvain was first printed by C. Nourry. The romance
entitled Gauvain was not printed till 1540.

2 Pp. I-IO.

T. S. F. R. 2

l8 THE PROSE ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY

Rabelais seems also to have had a special affection for Les
quatrefils Aymon, which was^printed three times by Nouny
(in 1506, in 1526, and in 1531) and once by his successor, Pierre
de Sainte-Lucie (in 1539). It was perhaps under the influence
of Nourry that Rabelais, after editing Les grandes et in-
estimables Cronicqties, a burlesque of the Arthurian romances,
turned to the romances founded on the chansons de geste for
the framework of Pantagruel ^.

The only prose romance belonging to the Arthurian cycle
which was at all popular in the true sense of the term was
Artus de Breiaigne or Le petit Artus, which is attached to the
cycle by a purely artificial link, the hero being merely a
descendant of Lancelot. The true Arthurian romances never
left their stately and sumptuous foUos for the less expensive
format of a quarto or an octavo. Thus they were bought
only by great lords and ladies or by rich bourgeois. Those
which had the greatest vogue were Lancelot, Merlin, and
Tristan. Lancelot was printed six times and the other two
five each. Lancelot fully deserves its pre-eminence; it is one
of the literary masterpieces of the Middle Ages; whether,
as its latest interpreter, M. Ferdinand Lot, beUeves, it is in
all its four parts the work of a single individual, must be left
to experts to determine. Of the other romances of the Round
Table I find three editions of Giron le Courtois, two of the
Saint-Graal, Meliadus, and Perceforest, and only one of
Perceval le Gallois. The last four were all late to appear in
print, the Saint-Graal in 15 16, Meliadus and Perceforest in
1528, and Perceval in 1530.

During the second half of the reign of Francis I (1536-
1547) only two romances were added to those already in
print, and in 1540 the old French romances encountered a
serious rival in the translation by Herberay des Essarts of
the first book of the Spanish Amadis de Gaula. It met with
immediate favour and, followed by seven more books, soon
echpsed the French romances in popularity, at least with
aristocratic readers. The French sources, however, had not

1 See W. F. Smith, Rabelais in his writings, Cambridge, 1918, pp. 20-21.

TABLES

quite run dry; as we have seen, four romances were printed
for the first time during the reign of Henri II, but the author
(who professes to be merely the translator) of Gerard d'Eu-
phrate (1549) says that he was encouraged to publish it by
the success of Amadis. When Frangois de la Noue, the stout
Huguenot soldier, writing in his Spanish prison (1580-1585),
inveighs against the pernicious influence of the Amadis books,
he refers to " the old romances of which we still see fragments
here and there, that is to say, Lancelot du Lac, Perceforest,
Tristan, Giron le Courtois^."

The four columns of the following tables give (i) the title
of the romance; (2) the place and date of its first appearance
in print; (3) the date of its composition; (4) its source. In
columns 3 and 4 I have merely given the results of investiga-
tions by competent authorities. For the date of impression,
besides inspecting personally several of the works, I have
controlled the statements of Bnmet and of Scott de Martin-
ville (the author of the Essai de classification des remans de
chevalerie (1870) which appeared under Didot's name^) by
the more recent typographical researches of Proctor, Picot,
Mile. Pellechet, Renouard, and others 3.

I. Romances derived from chansons de geste

Beufves d'Anthonnes

Conqueste de Tribi-
sonde *

Doolin de Mayence

1502. Paris, M. Le

Noir
[1511-1512.] Paris,

Veuve Trepperel

1501. Paris, Verard

14th cent.

15 th cent,
(end)

Fashioned from the poem of
Bovon de Hanstone ( 1 3th cent.) .

An original work forming a
sequel to Les Quatre fits
Aymon; it relates an episode
in the life of Renaud de
Montauban.

Fashioned from two chansons de
geste: i. Les enfances Doon de
Mayence; 11. Doon de Mayence.

1 Discours politiques et militaires, vi.

2 See the introduction, p. xvi. Scott also helped Brunet with the revision
of the last edition of his Manuel.

' R. Proctor, An Index to the early printed books in the British Museum,
3 vols, with supplements, 1898-1902; M. Pellechet, Catalogue ginSral des
incunahles des bibliotUques publiques de France. 3 vols, published, 1897-
1909; fi. Picot, Catalogue des livres composant la Ublioth^que de feu M. le
baron James de Rothschild. 3 vols. 1887-1893; Ph. Renouard, /m^nmewi
parisiens.-.depuis V introduction de I'imprimerie A Paris (1470) jusqu'h la fin
du XVI' siMe, 1898,

20 THE PROSE ROMAKCES OF CHIVALRY

Romances derived from chansons de geste {cont.)

Fierabras

Galien rhHori

Gerard d'Euphrate

Girard de Roussillon

Guirin de Montglave

Jourdain de Slaves

1478. Geneva
[Steinschaber]

1500. Paris, Verard

1549. Paris, Sertenas

1520. Paris, Le Noir^

[1502-1511.] Paris,
J. Trepperel

1520. Paris, Le Noir

ewe. 1475

circ. 1450

15th cent.

1447

14th or
T5th cent.

Compiled from i. A prose version
of a poem witli the same title;
II. Chronique de Turpin; in.
Miroir historial.

G. Paris, Hist, poetique de
Charlemagne, pp. 27-29; H.
L. D. Ward, Catalogue of
Romances in the manuscript
department of the British Mu-
seum (3 vols, published),
1883-1910, I. 615-619.

A prose version of the poem of
Galien. Galien is a son of
Olivier.

L. Gautier, Les epopies
franfaises, 2nd ed. in. 315-
345 ; G. Paris, Hist. litt. xxviii.
221-239.

Claims to be translated from a
Walloon poem, but beyond
doubt an original work. The
hero=G6rard de Fratte, one
of the many sons of Doon'.

G. Paris, Hist, poitique de
Charlemagne, p. 325, n.'.

An abridgement of a prose ver-
sion by Jean Wauquelin of a
fourteenth century poem.

P. Meyer, Girard de Rous-
sUlon, 1884.

Another prose version of Galien,
preceded by an expanded ver-
sion of the poem of Girard de
Vienne.

G. Paris, Hist. litt. xxviii.
221—239, and Romania, xii.
I-I3-

A prose version of the chanson
de geste with the same title.

' Genealogical tree of the descendants of Doon:

DOON

Geoffeoy Dock de Beuves
Nanteuil 1

Aymon Gerard de Fratte

Ogier Maugis Vivien Renaud and his three brothers

I 1

Meurvin Yvon

Mabrian

2 It is possible that the edition printed at Lyons by O. AmouUet (1517-1558) is earlier
than that of Le Noir.

TABLES

Romances derived from chansons de geste [cont.)

Mabrian

Maugis d' Aigremont

Meurvin
Milles et Amys

Morgant le Giant
Ogier le Danois
Quatre fits Aymon

Turpin

Bertrand du GuescUn

Baudoin de Flandres
Godefroi de Bouillon

1525 or 1526. Paris,

G. Du Prt'.
1527. Paris,

J. Trepperel"

1540. Paris, Longis

and Sergent
[1500-1503.] Paris,

Verard

1519. Paris, Petit,
Chaudi^re, and Le
Noir

[1492-1499.] Paris,
Verard

icirc. 1480-1485.]
Lyons

1527. Paris,

R. Chaudi^re
[After 1480, Lyons?]

1478. Lyons,

B. Buyer
1504. Paris, J. Petit'

14th or
15 th cent.

i6tii cent.

r4tli cent.
(2nd liali)

r4th cent,
(end)

1527
1387

15th cent.

15th cent,
(end)

An original work forming a
sequel to Maugis d^ Aigremont.

A prose version of the chanson
de geste with the same title.
Maugis =Ariosto's Malagigi.

An original work.

A prose version of the poem of
Amis et Amile (12th cent.).

Gautier, i. 463-473; Ward,
pp. 674-680.

An imitation of the Morgante
maggiore of Pulci.

Fashioned from the chanson of
the same name.
Ward, pp. 604-610.

A prose version of the chanson
of Renaud de Montauban (iztb
century).

F. Castets, Recherches sur
les rapports des chansons de
gestes et de I'epopee cheva-
leresque italienne, 1887.

Made by order of Franfois I
after the Chronique de Turpin.

Compiled from a poem written
soon after the death of Du
Gueschn by a Breton trouvire
named Cuvelier (ed. E. Char-
riere, 2 vols. 1839, Doc.

Prose version of a lost fourteenth

century poem.
The work of Pierre Desrey, part

being translated from the

Speculum historiale of Vincent

de Beauvais.

II. Romances derived from Romans d'antiquite

Alexandre le Grand 1506. Paris, Le Noir

r3th cent.

P. Meyer, Alexandre le
Grand dans la littirature
frangaise au may en dge, 2 vols.
1886.

Apollin, roi de Tyr [circ. 1480.] Geneva, 15th cent. Translated from a Latin version
Garbin (?) of a Greek novel.

Ward, I. 161-170; Douce,
Illustrations to Shakespeare,
II. 1^5-144.

' Probably 1526, as the privilege is dated November 5, 1525.

• This edition is older than that of Lotrian, s.d. (see H. Harrisse, Bibliotheca Colom-
biniana, p. li, n.'), but Michel Le Noir had previously published Guirin de Montglave and
MoMgis d' Aigremont together in a single volume (Paris, 1518).

' The prologue of Desrey is dated r499, which presumes an older edition than that of
1504.

Translated from the Historia de

22 THE PROSE ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY

Romances derived from Romans d'antiquitie (cont.)

Destruction de Jirusa-
salem or Vespasien

t-dipus

Florimont

Hector de Troye
Jason el Midie
Judas MachabU

Recueil des histoires
de Troye

Neuf preux, les

Processes d^Hercule,

les
Trois grands, les

[circ. 1478.] Geneva

[1532-1547-] Paris,
Sargent

1528. Paris,
J. Longis

[1517-1558.] Lyons,

Arnoullet
[1477, Bruges,

C. Mansion'.]
r5i4. Paris, Bonne-

m6re

[1477. Bruges,
C. Mansion^.]

1487. Abbeville, J.
du Vtk and P.
Gerard

1500. Paris, Le Noir

15 th cent.

1223-1230

15th cent.

circ. 1450
1 6th cent.

1464

15th cent.

Represents a poem of the thir-
teenth century, the Latin
original of which is lost.

P. Meyer, Bull. soc. des anc.
textesfranf. (1875). PP- 52-55;
Hist. Utt. XXII. 412-416;
Ward, I. 176-180.

A rendering in prose of the
Roman de Tkibes.

L. Constans, Le roman de
Thibes, 2 vols. 1890, 11. cxiv-
cxlv.

Based on a poem written by
Aimon de Vareime in 11 88.
The hero is supposed to be
the grandfather of Alexander.
G. Paris, Literature fran-
paise au moyen dge, p. 83.

An extract from the Recueil des
histoires de Troye.

Written by Raoul Le F6vre
before the Recueil.

Translated by Charles de Saint-
Gelais from the Latin text of
the Apocrypha.

Translated by Raoul Le Ffevre
from the Latin version made
by Gujdo Colonna in 1287 of
the Roman de Troie of Benoist
de Sainte-More (ri75-ii85).

The nine knights are: Hector,
Alexander, J. Caesar, Joshua,
David, Judas Maccabeus,
Arthur, Charlemagne, Gode-
froy de Bouillon.

An extract from the Recueil.

Alexander, Pompeius, Charle-
magne.

III. Romances derived from the Arthurian romances

Artus de Bretaigne

Cleriadus el Meliadice
Gauvain

1493-

1495. Paris, Verard^
r540. Strasburg

15 th cent.

15th cent.
(?)

Or Le petit Artus. It has Uttle
connexion with the cycle of
the Round Table; Artus, son
of John, Duke of Brittany, is
a descendant of Lancelot.

Meliadice is a descendant of
King Arthur.
Ward, I. 383.

' E. Gordon Duff, Fifteenth century English books, 1917, no. 244. This edition (Bibl. nat. ;
Eton College) is ptobably earlier than the Lyons edition printed by PhUippi and Reinhard,
who printed from 1477 to 1482.

* E. Gordon Duff, op. tit. no. 243.

' Only one copy is known (Yemeniz-Didot).

TABLES

Romances derived from the Arthurian romances (cont.)

Giglan,fils de Gauvain
et Geojfroy de Ma-
yence

Giron le Courtois

Lancelot du Lac

Meliadus de Leonnoys

Merlin

Perceforest

Perceval le Gallois

Saint-Graal

Tristan, fils de Melia-
dus

Ysaie le Trisie

[1499-1532-] Lyons,
C. Nourry

[1500-1503.] Paris,
Verard

1488. Rouen, J. Le
Bourgeois and J.
Du Pre

1528. Paris, G. Du
Pr6

1498. Paris, Verard

1528. Paris, G. Du
Pre

1530. Paris, G. Du
Pre

1516. Paris, J. Petit,
G. Du Pr6, and M.
Le Noir

r489. Rouen, J. Le
Bourgeois

[1522 or 1523.] Paris,
G. Du Prd

15 th cent.

14th cent,
(ist half)

ctrc. 1220

14th cent,
(and half)

circ. 1230

ciTC. 1450

circ. 1230

ctrc. 1230

1215-1230

15 th cent,
(towards
the end)

Compiled by Frfere Claude
Platin from the poem of
Guinglain or Le bel inconnu
(13th cent.) and the Pro-
venfal poem of Jaufri.

G. Paris, Hist. Hit. xxx.
196-197.

Represents the 2nd part of the
poem of Palamide as abridged
by Rusticien de Pise (circ.
1270).
Ward, I. 369-371.

In four parts: (i) Histoire du
Saint-Graal; (2) Lancelot; (3)
Queste du Saint-Graal; (4)
Mort Arthur.

Ward, I. 345-356; Merlin,
ed. G. Paris and J. Ulrich,
2 vols. 1885 (Soc. des anc.
textes franp.), i. Hx; G. Paris,
Romania, xii. 459-534; F. Lot,
£tude sur le Lancelot en prose,
1918.

Represents the first half of
Palamide.

Ward, I. 364-369.

Compiled from the Merlin of
R. de Boron, with additions
to link it with Lancelot du Lac.
Merlin, i. xxiv.

Refashioned by Daniel Aubert,
librarian to Philip the Good,
from a prose romance of the
fourteenth century.
Ward, I. 377-381.

A prose version of the poem of
Chretien de Troyes with con-
tinuations by Gaucher de
Dourdan and by Menessier
(see the preface).

Compiled from the Joseph d'Ari-
mathie or Le petit Saint-Graal
of the pseudo R. de Boron.

A vast compilation, pfobably
based in part on a lost poem
of Chretien de Troyes.

E. Loseth, Le roman en
prose de Tristan, 1892.

Ysaie is the son of Tristan and
Yseult de Comouailles.

THE PROSE ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY

IV. Romances derived from the Romans d'aventures

Belle Hiline, la
Blrinus

Clamadis

Conqueste de Grice,
la

Florent et Lyon

Flores et Blanchefleur

Geoffrey A la grand

dent
Girard de Nevers

Guirin Mesquin

Guillaume de Palerme

Guy de Warwick

Huon de Bordeaux

Milusine

Olivier de Castile
Paris et Vienne

1528. Lyons,
Amoullet

[1521 or 1522.] Paris,
J. Janot

[1484.] Vienne, P.

Schenck
1528. Paris, G. Du

Pre

[1528-1546.] Paris,

Lotrian
1554. Paris, F6zan-

dat

1549- Lyons,'

AmouUet^
1520. Paris, Hemon

Le F6vre
1530. Lyons,

Amoullet
1552. Lyons,

Amoullet

1525. Paris,
F. Regnault

1513. Paris, M. Le
Noir

1478. Geneva,
Steinschaber

1482. ? ?

1487. Antwerp,
G. Leeu

1448

14th cent.

15 th cent.

cvrc. 1550

15th cent.

(end)
15 th cent.

15 th cent.

1454

1387-1393

15th cent.

Compiled by Jean Wauquelin

from the poem of the same

name.
"Reduit de langage inconnu,"

but probably an original work.

It contains Greek and Oriental

elements.
Compiled by Philippe Camus

from the poem of Cleomadis.
" Faicte. . .par Philippe Madieu,"

from the lost work of Perrinet

DuPin.
A prose compilation from the

poem of Florent et Octavien.
Translated by Jacques Vincent

from a romance in Spanish

prose which represents the

twelfth century poem of

Floire et Blanchefleur.
Sequel to MUusine.

Prose version of the Roman de

la Violate (13th century).
Translated from the Italian

poem of Guerino meschino.
Compiled by Pierre Durand

from the poem of the same

name.

G. de Palerme, ed. Michelant

{Sac. des anc, textes frariQ.),
Made at second hand from a

roman d'aventures with the

same title.

Ward, I. 471-491; Hist.

litt. XXII. 841—851.
A prose version with additions

of a fourteenth century poem.
Huort de Bordeaux, ed.

S. L. Lee, Early English Text

Society, 1882.
Written by Jean d' Arras (prob-
ably first in Latin) by order of

John, Due de Berri.

Ed. Ch. Brunet, 1858. See

L. Desaivre, La Ligende de

Milusine, Niort, 1885.
Translated from the Latin by

Pierre Camus.
Professes to be a translation by

Pierre de La Seppade, from a

Provencal work.

' Fkst edition with a date, but that of Jean Bonfons (undated), who began to print in
1547, may be earlier.

TABLES

Romances derived from the Romans d'afentvres [cont.)

Pierre de Provence [1472-1478. Lyons,
B. Buyer'.]

Ponthtis el la belle
Sidoine

Richard sons peur

Robert le Didble

Syperis de Vinevaulx

Theseus de Cologne

Trois fils de roi

Valentin et Orson

[circ. 1478.] Geneva

[circ. 1535.] Paris,
A. Lotrian and
D. Janot

1496. Lyons, Mares-
chal et Chaussard

[1531 or 1532.] Paris,
veuve de J. Saint-
Denys

1534. Paris, Longis
and Sertenas

1501. Lyons, J. de
Vingle

1489. Lyons, Maillet

1453

rsth cent,
(ist half)

arc. 1535

end of

the

15 th cent.

15th or
i6th cent.

drc. 1483

1463
15th cent.

"Mise en cette langage par un
redacteur inconnu, qui peut
6tre Ph. Camus" (£. Picot).
But it is still a question
whether the work from which
the prose romance was com-
piled was in prose or verse, in
Latin or Provengal (see Marot,
CEuvres, ed. Guiffrey, iii. 5,

Compiled from the French ver-
sion of the English poem of
Horn,

Ward, I. 469-470; Hist,
litt. p. xxii.

"Translate," by GiUes Corrozet,
"de vieille rime en prose,"
that is to say, from a fifteenth
century poem which was
printed at the beginning of
the sixteenth century.

A compilation from a thirteenth
century poem of the same
name.

K. Breul, Sir Gowther,
Oppehi, r886.

Abridged from a prose compila-
tion from a fifteenth century
poem. Syperis or Ciperis =
Chilperic.

Hist. litt. XXVI. 19-40.

A compilation from a thirteenth
century poem of the same
name, probably written by
D. Aubert.

G. Paris, Hist. poStique de
Charlemagne, p. 96.

The three sons are Philip of
France, Humphrey of Eng-
land, and David of Scotland.

Burlesque of CUomadis, said to
have been made for Charles
VIII.
Ward, I. 849.

1 EssUng-Yemeniz-Didot-Crawford (the only perfect copy).

Ill

RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

The Novus Orbis of Simon Grynaeus

In his fascinating book Les Navigations de PantagrueP-
M. Abel Lefranc has made it abundantly clear that Rabelais
followed with a lively interest the great geographical dis-
coveries of his day, and that certain portions of Pantagruel
which have hitherto been regarded as pure fantasy rest on a
foundation of solid fact. But can we pursue the subject a
little further? Can we trace the actual authorities which
Rabelais used for his geographical descriptions? Can we, as
has been done with regard to other elements of his great
medley, put our finger upon the very passages which he had
before him?

In the earliest days of maritime discovery the results of
the voyages were briefly recorded in the despatches of Vene-
tian ambassadors at the courts of Spain and Portugal, or by
the correspondents of Venetian or Florentine banking-houses.
A little later they formed the subject of special letters or
short pamphlets, which were rapidly multipUed by copies
and sometimes printed. In one or two instances the record
was made by the discoverer himself, as by Columbus and
Vespucci. It was not, however, till 1507 that the first
collection of voyages, the prototype of all succeeding col-
lections, made its appearance. It was entitled Paesi nova-
mente retrovati e Novo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino
intitulato, and was printed at Vicenza^. The editor was

^ Paris, 1905.

2 Published in facsimile, Vespucci reprints, texts and studies, iv. Princeton

N.J.

PAESI NOVAMENTE RETROVATI 27

Fracanzio da Montalboddo, a native of Monte-Alboddo in
the march of Ancona, and professor of Hterature at Vicenza
from 1502 to 1505 1. It is divided into six books, which are
composed as follows:

I. Voyage of Ca da Mosto (chapters 1-47).

II. (i) Voyage of Pedro da Cintra to Senegal, written by
Ca da Mosto at the dictation of Pedro's secretary (chapters
48-50).

(2) First Voyage of Vasco da Gama, recounted in a letter
by Girolamo Semigi, a Florentine residing at Lisbon when
the expedition returned^ (chapters 51-62).

(3) Voyage of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, written by his pilot
in Portuguese and translated by Giovanni Matteo Cretico,
secretary to Domenico Pisani, Venetian ambassador to Spain,
but employed on a special mission to the Portuguese Court
at the time of Cabral's return^ (chapters 63-70). This was the
voyage in the course of which Cabral discovered Brazil.

III. Voyage of Cabral continued (chapters 71-83).

IV. A reprint of Libretto de tutta la navigazione de re di
Spagna de le isole et terreni novamente trovati. Venice, 1504.
(The only known copy is in St Mark's Library at Venice.)
The anonymous writer of this narrative is now known to be
Angelo Trevisan, fellow-secretary with Cretico to Domenico
Pisani. He took the substance of it, as he acknowledges, from
Peter Martyr's then unpublished First Decade*- It contains
accoimts of the following voyages :

(i) First three voyages of Columbus (chapters 84-108).

(2) Voyage of Pedro Alonso Niiio^ (chapters 109-111).

(3) Voyage of Vicente Yanez Pinzon (chapters 112, 113).

V. Third voyage of Vespucci, described in a letter to
Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de' Medici (grandson of Cosimo's
brother). A re-translation into Venetian dialect from Fra

^ See Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicata dalla Commissione Colom-
biana, pt iii. vol. 11. pp. 209-211; H. Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana
Vetustissima, pp. 96-99; fi. Picot, Cat. Rothschild, 11. 426-429.

* See E. G. Ravenstein, A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama
(Hakluyt Society), 1898.

2 Comm. Colomb. pt iii. vol. 1. p. 83.

* Comm. Colomb. pt in. vol. 11. p. 171.
^ Here called by his nickname, Negro.

28 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

Giocondo's Latin version of the original Italian (chapters
1 14-124).

VI. (i) Letter from Cretico to the Doge Leonardo Loredan
giving an account, similar to that contained in Books 11 and
III, of Cabral's voyage^ (chapter 125).

(2) Letter from some merchants in Spain to their corre-
spondents in Florence and Venice describing a treaty between
the King of Portugal and the Zamorin of Calicut (chapter
126).

(3) Letter from Pietro Pasqualigo (Pisani's colleague in
the special mission to Portugal, and his successor as am-
bassador to Spain) to his brothers relating the recent arrival
at Lisbon of one of Cortereal's caravels from Labrador
(chapter 127). This was the voyage from which Cortereal
himself never returned.

(4) Letter from Giovanni Francesco Affaitadi (here called
Francesco de la Saita), a merchant residing at Lisbon, to
Pasqualigo, concerning the expedition of Joao da Nova, the
discoverer of St Helena (he is not mentioned by name), to the
Malabar coast (chapter 128).

(5) An account of Calicut, Carangore, and other places on
the west coast of India, from the report of a Nestorian priest,
named Joseph, who had come to Portugal with Cabral
(chapters 129-142).

The Paesi novamente retrovati had a great success. Fresh
editions were published at Milan in 1508^, 1512, and 1519,
and at Venice in 1517 and 1521. It was translated into
German and French, and of the French translation entitled
Le Nouveau Monde et Navigations faites par Enteric de Vespuce
Florentine there were six editions. More important for our
present purpose is the Latin translation, made by Michelangelo
Madriganni, Abbot of a Cistercian monastery near Milan,
and afterwards bishop of Avellino in the kingdom of Naples.
It was printed at Milan in 1508 under the title of Itinerarium
Portugallensium e Lusitania in Indiam et inde in Occidentem

1 Comm. Colomb. pt iii. vol. i. p. 43.

== This is far superior to the original edition from a typographical point
of view.

' The privilege is dated January i, 1517 (N. S.); Vespucci reprints, vii.

THE NOV US ORB IS 29

et demum in Aquilonem. It is full of mistakes, especially in
the matter of dates.

The popularity of the Paesi novamente retrovati, with the
prominence given to Vespucci's name on its title-page, no
doubt greatly contributed to the adoption of the proposal
made by Martin WaldseemiiUer in his Cosmographiae Intro-
ductio (of which several editions were printed at Saint-Die in
Lorraine in a few months) and embodied by him in the globe
and map which he pubUshed in the same year (1507), that
the New World (meaning thereby the northern part of South
America) should be caUed after Vespucci. Moreover the Latin
version of Vespucci's letter to Lorenzo de' Medici had ob-
tained a far wider circulation than any other narrative of
recent geographical discovery. Under the title of Mundus
Novus it had been printed fourteen times during the years
1503-1505 — ^in Italy, in France (five times) and in Germany^* —
and it had been translated into French and German and back
into Italian^.

The next great collection of voyages is the Latin one gene-
rally known as the Novus Orbis of Simon Grynaeus. It was
pubHshed at Basle in 1532, the full title being Novus orbis
regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum una cum tabella
cosmographica et aliquot aliis consimilis argumenti libellis
quorum omnium catalogus sequenti pagina patebit. The real
compiler and editor of the work was a German antiquary
named Johann Huttich, Grynaeus merely contributing a pre-
face. Sebastian Miinster, the well-known Hebrew scholar and
mathematician, contributed an introduction. The first part
of the book is a reproduction of Madriganni's Latin version
of the Paesi novamente retrovati, the mistakes of which it per-
petuates. Then foUow ten new pieces, aU of which, except the
second, had already appeared in print. They are as follows:

I. A Latin version of Vespucci's letter to Piero Soderini,
Gonfalonier of Florence, giving an account of his four voyages

1 Only two of these editions are dated. See £. Picot in Cat. Rothschild,
II. 423, for a discussion of the question as to whether it was originally-
printed at Paris or Venice.

" It has been translated into English by Professor G. T. Northup
(Vespucci reprints, v).

30 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

(first printed in 1507 as an appendix to Waldseemiiller's
Cosmographiae Introductio) ^-

2. A letter from King Manuel of Portugal to Leo X re-
lating the conquest of Malacca and the relief of Goa by
Albuquerque ^-

3. Madriganni's Latin translation of the Itinerario of
Ludovico di Varthema, here called Ludovicus Roraanus
patritius. The original work was printed at Rome in 1510,
and the Latin version at Milan in 1511. The Italian edition
was reprinted at Venice in 1517, 1518, 1520 and 1522, and at
Milan in 1519 and 1523.

4. A description of the Holy Land by a German Dominican
of the thirteenth century, named Brocardus, who spent ten
years in the monastery at Mount Sion. It was first printed
at Lubeck in 1475 as part of the Rudimentum Noviciorum^,
and separately at Venice in 1519.

5. A Latin version of the travels of Marco Polo. According
to Yule it is a translation at fifth hand and utterly worthless
85 a text. It certainly differs considerably from the fourteenth
century Latin version, made from the original French through
an Itahan translation by Fra Pipino. This was first printed
by Gerard Leeu at Gouda in 1483 or 1484*.

6. A Latin version of the travels of Hayton the Armenian
(Hetoum, Prince of Gorigos), edited by Menrad Molther and
first printed at Hagenau in 1529. Hayton's narrative, like
Marco Polo's, was originally written in French at his dictation
by Nicolas Falcon, who afterwards translated it into Latin.

^ The original letter is most closely represented by a Florentine impression
entitled Letter a di America Vespucci delle isole novamente trovate in quatro
suoi viaggi ( Vespucci reprints, ii) . The Latin translation was made through
a French version from an ItaUan original, the translator altering the heading
of the letter so as to make it appear that it was addressed to RenS, Duke of
Lorraine, instead of to Soderini. See for the whole question Prof. Northup's
introduction to his translation of the letter (Vespucci reprints, iv).

" I can find no trace of this having appeared in print before. It is in-
cluded in the Chronicon Ciiizense of Paul Lange, a German Benedictine who
died about 1536. but this remained in manuscript till it was printed by
Pistorius in his Scriptores Germanici in 1583.

' The well-known Mer des histoires is a translation of this.

« Not at Antwerp in 1485, as is commonly stated. See R. Proctor, Index
to the early printed books in the British Museum. There are three copies in
the British Museum and one in the University Library, Cambridge.

THE NOV US ORB IS 31

It was this Latin version which Molther edited. He has cor-
rupted Falcon's name to Salconi. In the same year there was
published at Paris under the title of L'histoire merveilleuse,
etc., a French translation of Falcon's version made in the
fourteenth century by Jean Le Long of Ypres. There were
also incorrect reproductions of the original French narrative
under the title of Les fleurs des histoires de la tene Dorient^.

7. A description of Russia by Matthias of Miechow, a
Polish physician, first printed at Cracow in 1517 under the
title of Tractatus de duabus Sarmatiis Asiana et Europiana et
de contentis in eis.

8. Another description of Russia by Paolo Giovio based
on the information of an ambassador from Basil the Great to
Pope Clement YII, first printed at Rome in 1525 under the
title of Pauli lovii Novocomensis Uhellus de legatione Basilii
■magni, principis -Moschoviae ad Clementem VII. Pont. Max.

9. An abridgement of Peter Mart5nr's Fourth Decade by
the author, first printed at Basle in 1521 under the title of
De nuper sub D. Carolo repertis insults simulque incolarum
moribus R. Petri Martyris Enchiridion.

10. An account of the antiquities of Prussia by Erasmus
Stella, a physician of Leipsic, first printed at Basle in 1510
under the title of De Borussiae antiquitatibus libri II. Stella
died in 1521. His name probably refers to his father's trade
of saddler and wheelwright (Stellmacher) ^.

The Novus Orbis appeared in March 1532, and in the follow-
ing October the well-known Paris publisher and bookseller.
Galliot Du Pre, issued a reprint of it. In 1537 another edition
was published at Basle ^. It included an additional treatise,
the account of Magellan's Voyage by Maximilian Transyl-
vanus, contained in a letter to his father, the Archbishop of
Salzburg. This was first printed at Cologne in 1523.

I have described the Novus Orbis thus in detail, because
it was a book which Rabelais undoubtedly used. It will be
well to make this evident at once by putting side by side his

^ See Histoire UtUraire, xxv. 479.

2 See Zedler, Universal Lexicon.

' Grolier's copy of this edition is in the University Library, Cambridge.

32 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

account of Pantagrael's first voyage and a passage from
Sebastian Miinster's preface :

Primum itaque cum Hispani in Ils...prindrent la haulte mer,

Indiam traiecturi sint, petunt et en briefs jours, passans par
Portum sanctum, Mederam, et porto sancto et par Medere, firent
septem Canarias insulas, quae scalle as isles da Canarra.
oUm Fortunatae dictae sunt...

Hinc navigatur ad Caput album, De la partans passarent par

portum continentis Africae...Re- Cap bianco, par Senega, par Cap
Ucto Capita albo et insulis ad- virido,
iacentibus...venitur ad regnum
Senegae...'Rz.\id longe ab ora
huius fluminis est Caput viride...
Relicto Capite viridi ductore Aus-
tro pervenitur ad ostium fluvii

Gambrae... Hinc navigantibus of- par Gambre, par Sagres, par
fartur caput Sagres, ac dainde Melli,
transito regno Meli parvanitur ad

caput Bonae spai, quod corrupta par la Cap de bona sperantza, et
at Hispanice De bona sperantza firent scalle au royaulme de
quidam appellant... Nam hinc Melinde.
navis sensim radit versus aequa-
torem, ubi scilicet est regnum
Melindae.

It will be noticed that Rabelais adheres very closely to his
authority, using the strange form Cap virido and spelling
sperantza in exactly the same way. He continues his narrative
as follows:

Da la partans, fairant voille au vent da la transmontane, passans
par Meden, par Uti, par Udem, par Gelsisim, par les isles das Phees,
et jouxte le royaulme de Achorie, finalement arrivent au port da
Utopia.

Here we seem to have left real countries for the land of pure
fantasy, and the names of Achorie and Utopie are obviously
borrowed from Sir Thomas More. But M. Lefranc's conjec-
ture that in Meden, Uti, and Udem, three Greek words which
signify "nothing," we have a play upon the places Medina and
Aden is almost certainly right, for on turning the page of the
Novus Orbis Rabelais would have come upon a summary of
Ludovico di Varthema's journey, in which Medina and Aden
are mentioned in two consecutive lines. It is a bolder con-
jecture that Gelasim stands for Ceylon, but I think there is

RABELAIS'S DEBT TO THE NOVUS ORBIS 33

a great deal to be said for it, though I should rather regard
"Gelasim" as an anagram (with the addition of the initial
letter) of Seilam, the form which the name of Ceylon assumes
in the Latin version of Marco Polo in the Novus Orbis^.

It is even possible that, as M. Lefranc suggests, ' ' the islands
of the Fairies" may vaguely represent the wonderful islands
beyond Taprobana (Sumatra) which Albuquerque's conquest
of Malacca had opened up to the Portuguese — ^Ternate with
its cloves, Banda with its nutmegs, Borneo and Java with
their cinnamon, of all of which Rabelais might have read in
Varthema's narrative^. He might have read too the abridged
French translation of Pigafetta's narrative of Magellan's
voyage (dedicated to Louise of Savoy), which Simon de Colines
printed at Paris in 1526 or soon afterwards^.

In the next chapter (xxv) it is just possible that the en-
counter with the six hundred and sixty knights may have
been suggested to Rabelais by Vespucci's narrative of the
fight with the natives off the island of Giants (Curagoa).

In the last chapter Rabelais promises his readers a con-
tinuation of the story. " You shall see," he says, " how Panurge
was married.. .and how Pantagruel... ^assa les mons Caspies,
comment il navigapar la mer Athlantique et deffit les Caniballes,
et conquesta les isles de Perlas." Here again he is almost cer-
tainly following the Novus Orbis, for in the account of
Columbus's voyages there is a chapter, De Canibalorum mori-
bus*, and another, Quomodo Admirans adivit Canibalorum
insulas^, that is to say, the Caribbean islands. For by a
misunderstanding which the habits of the natives amply
justified the Caribs were at first called Cannibals. A little
further on in the Novus Orbis we read of the voyage of Pedro
Alonso Niiio to the Islands of Pearls, and how "he returned
home laden with pearles" and "how he fought with the
Cannibals." By the Pearl islands is meant Margarita, which,

1 Lib. III. c. xxii (Novus Orbis, p. 353).

2 See Varthema, Lib. vi. cc. xxiv-xxx {Novus Orbis, pp. 235 ff.).

3 Le voyage et navigation faiot par les Espaignoh es Isles des Mollucques
(printed at the sign of the Soleil d'Or and therefore not before 1526. There
is no printer's device) .

« c. Ixxxviii (p. 81). ^ c. xcii (p. 83).

T. S.F. R. 3

34 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

with a few much smaller islands, lay off Venezuela, and was
celebrated for its pearls in all the marts of Europe^.

Rabelais then continues. Comment il espousa la fille du roy
de Inde nomme Presthan. M. Lefranc infers from this in con-
junction with the whole passage that it was intended that
Pantagruel like Columbus and many explorers after him
should sail for the East by the West, and so reach Cathay
and India. This is a brilliant suggestion, and it is only the
mention of the Caspian mountains that makes one hesitate
to adopt it. In any case it is interesting to find Rabelais
placing the mythical kingdom of Prester John in India, in
accordance with Marco Polo, Mandeville, and other mediaeval
travellers^ For at the close of the fifteenth century it was
generally located in Abyssinia. This is the position assigned
to it in the account of Vasco da Gama's first voyage, in
Varthema's Itinerary, and especially in the letter of King
Manuel, who says that Albuquerque had a scheme for drain-
ing the Nile into the Red Sea with the assistance of Prester
John. In spite, however, of this combination of authority in
the Novus Orbis, Rabelais adheres to the mediaeval tradition.
In this he agrees with the interlude of The Four Elements,
written about 1515, in which Experience is represented as

■' ° ■ This quarter is India minor,

And this quarter India major.
The land of Prester John.

So too in one of the legends inscribed on "Sebastian Cabot's"
Map of 1544 we read of a mighty king in Central Africa
"whom some call Prester John," but "this is not Prester
John, because Prester John had his Empire in Eastern and
Southern India until Genghis Khan, first king of the Tartars,
defeated and overcame him in a very cruel battle in which
he dieds."

The defeat of Prester John by Genghis Khan is recorded

1 Readers of Westward Ho will remember how Amyas Leigh and his com-
panions took the pearls at Margeirita from the Spaniards. Curiously enough
Kiugsley in this very chapter refers to Panurge's behaviour in the storm.

2 It appears in Central Asia in Martin Behaim's globe of 1491, which is
based for these parts on Marco Polo.

' C. R. Beazley, John and Sebastian Cabot, p. 233.

RABELAIS'S DEBT TO THE NOVUS OJ^BIS 35

by Marco Polo who adds that Genghis Khan married Prester
John's daughter. But Marco Polo describes Prester John
correctly as a Tartar prince, and it is Sir John Mandeville who
first speaks of him as the Emperor of India. He also says
that the great Cham married his daughter i. This makes it
probable that Rabelais got his information from Mandeville,
to whom he refers as Monteville in the prologue to PantagrueP.

If Rabelais seriously entertained the idea of writing a con-
tinuation of his story which should include the account of a
long sea- voyage, he was diverted from his intention for many
years. It was not till the autumn of 1545 when he was writing
the final chapters of the Third Book that he returned to it
again. There are, however, in Gargantua occasional references
to the New World and other matters of geographical interest.
Thus in chapter xxxi he speaks of "those who dwell beyond
the Canary Islands and Isabella," the latter being the city
which Colrmibus founded in Hispaniola or St Domingo. Again
in chapter Ivi we are told that every year seven ships were
brought to the Abbey of Thelema "laden with gold ingots,
raw silk, pearls, and precious stones from the islands of Pearls
and the Cannibal islands."

Rabelais is also indebted to the narratives of travellers for
some of his descriptions of animals, and we find instances of
direct borrowing from the Novus Orbis in the account of the
Island of Satin in the Fifth Book (chapter xxix). Thus the
description of the elephants is taken partly from Ca da Mosto
and partly from Varthema.

lis ont le museau long de deux Hominem nisi laesus non Ike-

coud6es, et le nommons probo- dit; et ubi laedit, manu hominem
scide, avec lequel ils puisent eau comprehensum iacit in sublime
pour boire, prennent palmes, ultra arcus iactum: ea dicitur
prunes, toutes sortes de mange- manus elephanti, quam aUi pro-
aille, s'en deffendent et ofiendent muscidem appellant... manum
comme d'une main : et au combat habent in inferiore maxiUa, quam
jettent las gens haut en I'air, et k exserunt et retrahunt pro libitu,
la chute les font crever de tire. hac cibum capiunt et hauriunt

potum omnem.

Ca da Mosto, c. xxix.

1 Mandeville, c. xxx.

" See L. Sainean in Rev. des Uudes rab. ix (igii), 265-275.

3—2

36 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

lis ont moult belles et grandes Verum sunt plures qui existi-

oreiUes de la forme d'un van^. mant in cruribus elephantes non
lis ont j cinctures et articulations habere internodia, plicareque ob
es jambes: ceux qui ont escrit le id nequire tibias: quod profecto
contraire, n'en veirent jamais a vero plurimum abest. Habent
qu'en peinture : entre leurs dents iuncturas ut caetera animaUa, sed
ils ont deux grandes cornes...et in ima prope parte crurum...Bini
sont en la mandibule superieure, dentes qui prominent collocantur
non inferieure. in superiore maxilla: auriculas

quaquaversum gemini pahni mag-
nitudine habent.

Varthema, IV. c. X.

Rabelais's unicorn is not, as I had first supposed, a com-
pound of Marco Polo's rhinoceros and a mysterious one-
homed animal which Varthema saw in the temple of Mecca,
but comes straight from Pliny ^.

In the next chapter (xxx) we are introduced to "a Uttle
hunch-backed, misshapen and monstrous old man," who was
called Hearsay; and round him were "a number of men and
women listening attentively,... and among them one held a
Map of the World and was explaining it to them compendiously
in little aphorisms.... There I saw Herodotus [here follow the
names of various ancient writers on geography]; moreover:

Albert le Jacobin grand, Pierre Testemoing, Pape Pye second,
Volaterran, PauUe Jovio, Le vaillant homme Cadacuist, Te vault,
Jacques Cartier, Hayton Anndnien, Marc Paule Venetien, Lodovic
Romain, Petes AUares,

and I know not how many other modem historians, hidden
behind a piece of tapestry, stealthily writing fine stuff, and
all by Hearsay."

I have given the names according to the reading of the
manuscript in the Bibliotheque Nationale. Alter Testemoing
to Tesmoing, Cadacuist to Cadamosto, Tevault to Tenault,
and Petes to Petrus, and connect le vaillant homme with Jovio
instead of with Cadamosto, and the result is a better text
than that of the printed editions, which read Charton for
Hayton, and omit Cadamosto and Tenault altogether. The
order in which the names are put is not altogether fortuitous.
They are arranged in two divisions, first, five writers who were

' This sentence is omitted in the printed texts.

2 N.H. VIII. 21.31. W. F. Smith pointed this out to me.

THE ISLAND OF SATIN 37

not travellers, then seven travellers who have left records of
their travels. Possibly Petrus Aliares, the Latin form of the
name of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, one of the two discoverers of
Brazil, is put last because he wrote no account of his voyage.
But it is more probable that Rabelais was misled by the
heading in the Novus Orbis before chapter cxxv, which runs
Rerum memordbilium Calechut quae non sunt absimiles illis
quas Petrus Aliares secundo et altera tractatu scrip sit, referring
to his pilot's narrative in the second and third books of the
Paesi novamente retrovati.

Seven of the twelve are represented in the Novus Orbis,
namely Peter Martyr, Paolo Giovio, Ca da Mosto, Hayton
the Armenian, Marco Polo, Ludovico di Varthema, and
Cabral, and the form which three of the names assume in
Rabelais's text, namely Paulle Jovio, Lodovic Romain, and
Petrus Aliares, points to his acquaintance with them through
the Latin.

Paolo Giovio is represented only by a single short treatise,
but Rabelais was possibly acquainted with his Descriptio
Britanniae Scotiae Hiberniae et Orchadum, printed at Venice
in 1548, with a special privilege for publication in France,
though I can find no trace of his having used it. There is a
short sketch of the history of maritime discovery at the end
of book xxxiv of his Historiarum sui temporis libri xlv, which
was published at Florence in 1550.

Similarly, there is nothing of Peter Martyr but a summary
of his Fourth Decade. Soon after the publication of the Novus
Orbis Simon de CoUnes issued a volume entitled Extrait ou
recueil des isles nouvellement trouvees en la grand mer Oceane
...item trois narrations, etc., which contains (i) a summary of
the first three Decades of Peter Martyr; (2) an account of
the conquest of Cuba, taken from his Enchiridion ; (3) and (4)
abridged translations of Cortes's Second and Third letters to
Charles V^.

1 Printed January 12, 1533 (N. S.). See i.PicotinCat. Rothschild, 11. J35S.
M. Chinard in his interesting volume L'Exotisme amivicain dans la HtUra-
iure franpaise au XVI' sUcle, igii, would have us see both in Pietro Martire
and Marco Polo sources of some of Rabelais's descriptions, particularly of
the Abbey of Thelema and the temple of the Bottle; but with the best will
in the world I cannot detect any indebtedness.

38 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

Of the five who are not represented in the Novus Orbis
Albertus Magnus has a place probably by virtue of his Liber
cosmographicus de natura locorum (first printed in 15 14 both
at Vienna and Strassburg), and possibly also of his De
Animalibus, and Pope Pius II (Aeneas Sylvius) as the author
of Cosmographiae libri 11^, a very popular work, of which
there is a Paris edition, edited by Geofroy Tory for Henri
Estienne I, of 1509, and another of 1534 with the title of
Asiae Europaeque elegantissima description. By Volaterran is
meant Raffaelle Maffei of Volterra, whose Commentariorum
urbanorum libri xxxviii was first printed at Rome in 1506 and
went through many editions. There are Paris ones of 1510,
1511, and 1526. It is a sort of encyclopaedia, compiled with
little critical power, of which the first twelve books deal with
geography, the last chapter being devoted iolocanuperreperta.

Tenault is Jean Thenaud, guardian of the Franciscan con-
vent at Angouleme, who in 15 11 was sent by Louise of Savoy
on a mission to the Holy Land and who after his return wrote
in 1512 an account of his travels. It was printed at Paris
between 1525 and 1530 under the title of Le voyage et
itin[er]aire de oultre mer^. Rabelais cites him in Gargantua
(chapter xvi) as an authority for the fact that "a Httle truck
has to be fastened behind the sheep of Syria to bear up their
tails, so long and heavy are they*." He gets from him too
the cocodrilles of the Nile (v. xi) and the Catadupes or falls of
the same river (iv. xxxiv), and the term calloier, which he
apphes to himself on the title-page of the first edition of the
Third Book {Calloier des Isles Hieres), and which occurs fre-
quently in Thenaud to signify a Greek monk or patriarch.
So also the word seraph, the name of an Egyptian gold coin,
which is found on nearly every page of Thenaud, is used by
Rabelais, though he may have got it from another source^.

* It was first printed at Venice in 1477.

* By Claude Chevallon and Galliot du Pr6.

' Edited by Ch. Scheffer in the Recueil de Voyages, Paris, 1884.

' This is also mentioned by Herodotus, m. 113 (of the sheep of Arabia),
and by Leo Africanus in his Description of Africa, first printed by Ramusio
in 1550. See Rawlinson's notes to the passage in Herodotus; also Aehan,
X. 10; Yule, Marco Polo, i. 100 n.

' See for these borrowings from Thenaud L. Sain^an in Reo. des Studes
rah. vm (1910), 350 ff., and vn. 464 fif.

VERRAZZANO 39

A name that we miss among the writers after Hearsay,
and who deserves a place more than any of those mentioned,
is that of Mandeville or Monteville. The so-called "travels"
of this French impostor {ob. 1372), who wrote under the
name of an English knight, were very popular in Rabelais's
day. Several editions were published at Lyons from 1480
to 1490, and another by Barnabe Chaussard about 1500^;
and there is a Paris edition by Philippe Le Noir (after 15 16).

Jacques Cartier

The expeditions made from France to the new world during
the first two decades of the sixteenth century were private
adventures imdertaken in the interests of commerce. The
chief port of departure was Honfleur, which was for the
French mariners, says M. de La Ronciere, what Seville was to
the Spanish conquistador es^. But in 1523 there was an expedi-
tion on a larger scale and under the patronage of the King
of France. It was financed by a syndicate of Italian silk-
merchants living at Lyons, whose trade had been ruined by
the Portuguese discoveries in the East Indies, and who were
thirsting to find a shorter route to the wonderful spice-
islands. The leader was a Florentine gentleman, named
Giovanni Verrazzano, who sailed with four vessels from Le
Havre' in June or July 1523 with the intention of reaching
Cathay by Russia and the North-east passage. But meeting
with a violent storm in the northern seas he lost two ships
and was driven back to the French coast. Having refitted,
he now sailed down the coast of Spain and then with one
vessel only. La Dauphine, manned by fifty men, struck

^ University Library, Cambridge, SSS. 60. 21, formerly in the Yemeniz
collection (Copinger, no. 3829).

^ See for these early expeditions, especially for that of the Espoir (under
Captain Gonneville, 1503-1505), Ch. de La Ronciere, Hisioire de la Marine
franfaise, iii (1906), 129-140.

2 This is a practically certain inference from the known fact that the
preparations for the voyage were made at Rouen, where Verrazzano lived.

40 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

westward from a small island near Madeira across the Ocean
(January 17, 1524). After a voyage of twenty ^ve days he
touched land at Florida, and explored the coast northwards
till he reached Newfoundland, whence, provisions running
short, he returned to Dieppe at the beginning of July, having
failed to find a passage to Cathay, but having given the name
of New France to the whole coast between Florida and Cape
Breton.

In the early summer of 1526 he followed the same route,
but again failed to reach Cathay by the west. Finally, in
1528, he made a third attempt, changing his route to that
followed so successfully by Magellan. But while making a
land reconnaissance in the Rio de la Plata he fell into an
ambush of savages and was roasted and eaten before the
eyes of his companions who had remained on board the ships.
"Such," says Ramusio, "was the unfortunate end of this
valorous gentleman^."

It was the weakness of Francis I that he was for ever being
diverted from the many excellent projects which he formed.
The development of French commerce and maritime enter-
prise owed far less to the French King than to a private
individual, who for a quarter of a century organised, sus-
tained, and directed, almost single-handed, the colonial cam-
paign of France against her Spanish and Portuguese rivals.
This was Jean Ango, a wealthy shipowner of Dieppe, who
held numerous high administrative offices, and whose manor
at Varengeville, four miles from Dieppe, still exists, turned
into a farmhouse. The loggia with its round arches supported
on massive columns, the picturesque tower, the dovecot, and
the medallions are still eloquent of that blending of the old
with the new, of Gothic with Renaissance, which was charac-
teristic of the reign of Francis I. The influence of the Italian

"■ Raccolta di navigazioni e viaggi, 3 vols., Venice, 1550-1559, m. 417.
Thus the first volume of Ramusio's great collection of voyages appeared in
Rabelais's lifetime. I have taken the account of Verrazzano from La
Roncifere, op. cit. pp. 255-267. Verrazzano wrote an account of his first
voyage to Francis I, but it is very vague, and the best evidence for the three
voyages are the maps of his brother Girolamo {1529) and of the Genoese
cartographer, Vesconte di Maggiolo (1527), who accompanied him on his
second expedition (see below, p. 56).

ANGO AND CARTIER 41

Renaissance was made still further evident by the discovery
of a fresco, six feet long, dated 1544, and supposed to be of
the Florentine schooP.

This manor and the hotel at Dieppe were visited by many
of the Florentine exiles, who had established themselves at
Dieppe or Rouen — bankers, shipowners, merchants, artists,
corsairs, pilots — and thus became important centres for the
diffusion of the Italian Renaissance. It was Ango who financed
the second expedition of Verrazzano, it was Ango who sent
Jean Parmentier to Sumatra in 1529, it was Ango who
organised a new voyage by the route followed by Magellan
and nearly secured the services of one of Magellan's pilots
(1531), it was Ango who tried to give France a colonial
empire in Brazil and who, when Brion-Chabot, the High
Admiral, betrayed his country for a bribe (1531), sustained
alone by his energy and his money the unequal struggle
against the Portuguese for the liberty of the seas^.

Among those who profited by the King's temporary change
of policy was the Breton pilot, Jacques Cartier, the discoverer
of Canada. I have no intention of repeating here at length
the narrative of this discovery. It is sufficient for my purpose
to note that he set sail from Saint-Malo on April 20, 1534,
touched Newfoundland at Cape Bonavista, sailed through
the strait of BeUe Isle between Newfoundland and Labrador,
visited the Magdalen Islands, reached Chaleur Bay between
New Brunswick and the province of Quebec, coasted north-
wards as far as Gaspe, where he planted a cross from which
hung a shield with the legend Vive le Roy de France (July 24),
rounded the island of Anticosti, and retracing his course
through the strait of Belle Isle reached Saint-Malo on the
5th of September.

For this voyage Cartier had received a subvention of 6000
livres from the royal treasury. Though he had failed to dis-
cover a passage to the West, his experiences seemed en-
couraging, and less than two months after his return he was
commissioned by the High Admiral on behalf of the King to

1 See Bibl. de I'Scole des Charles, xix (1858), 10-12.

2 He died in 1551 ruined by his patriotic efforts.

42 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

fit out a fresh expedition on a larger scale. On May 19, I535.
he put to sea again with three ships provisioned for fifteen
months and sailed straight for the island of Anticosti. When
he got near the mouth of the St Lawrence, he was told by
two Indians whom he had captured in the preceding year and
had brought back with him that this was "the way and be-
ginning of the great river and way to Canada, which went
always narrowing clear to Canada; and that one found the
water fresh in the said river, which goes so far that never
man might have been up to the end that they had heard."
They also affirmed that there was no other passage. Cartier
then turned northwards and coasted for some distance along
the shores of Labrador, trying to find a passage. But passage
there was none. So on the faith of what the Indians had
told him he turned again westwards, and made his way
up the St Lawrence to Stadacone (Quebec) and to Hochelaga
(Montreal), which he reached on October 2. From the moun-
tain near the town, to which he gave the name of Mont-
Royal, he saw the vast prospect of fair land, "level and till-
able " and in the middle the broad river flowing towards the
south-west as far as the eye could see. This was the limit of
his journey. Returning down the river he wintered at Saint-
Croix near Quebec. On May 6 of the following year he started
on his homeward journey, and after leaving the mouth of the
St Lawrence steered south-east for the Magdalen Islands,
passed between Cape Breton Island and Newfoundland, came
to Cape Race the southern point of Newfoundland on June 16,
and reached Saint-Malo on July 6. He brought with him
Donnacona the "lord of Canada" and other Huron chiefs,
whom he had treacherously kidnapped.

It was an inopportune moment. A new war with Charles V
had broken out, and in the following August the Emperor
invaded Provence. The issue of letters-patent forbidding all
attacks on Portuguese ships (August 26, 1536) was probably
prompted by a desire to conciliate Portugal in this hour of
need. The treaty of Nice (June 1538) brought peace once more,
and for two years the rival monarchs were outwardly close
friends. In 1540 Admiral Chabot was at last brought to trial

CARTIER IN CANADA 43

for his bribery and corruption, and the King, no longer
thwarted by his intrigues, returned to his project of colonising
the newly found land of Canada. On October 17, 1540, he
commissioned Cartier to organise a fresh expedition and
made him "captain-general and master pilot of the ships."
But over him he appointed as "lieutenant-general, chief
leader, and captain of the enterprise," Jean-Frangois de La
Rocque, Seigneur de Roberval (January 15, 1541). Cartier
was soon ready, but Roberval took some time collecting
colonists and procuring artillery. So Cartier sailed alone with
five ships on May 23, 1541, reached in a couple of months the
harbour of St Croix near Quebec, and selected for a settlement
a spot about four leagues further up the river, to which he
gave the name of Charlesbourg Royal, after the second son
of Francis I. Having secured his base he set out with two
boats for Hochelaga and from there made his way partly in
boats and partly on foot to the second rapid, that of Carillon
on the Ottawa river. Here he learnt that there was only
one more rapid to pass before arriving at the kingdom of
Saguenay. But having come to the end of his provisions he
determined to return to his fort and to delay further explora-
tion till the spring. However, when the spring came, the con-
stant hostiUty of the Indians compelled him to abandon the
fort and return to France. Arriving at the harbour of St John
in Newfoundland in June, he found Roberval's ships riding
there at anchor. For Roberval had at last set sail with his
colonists from La Rochelle, having secured the services of the
most experienced pilot in France, the celebrated Jean Alf onse
of Saintonge (April 1542). Disobepng Roberval's orders to
return to the St Lawrence, Cartier slipped his cables in the
night and sailed for Saint-Malo, while Roberval proceeded to
Charlesbourg Royal and began his proposed settlement.
After a winter of terrible experiences he set out in the spring
to explore the Saguenay. Here, however, the record of his
voyage stops short. All we know is that in June 1543 Cartier
was sent to bring him home and that both had returned by
the following February.

The initiative which Francis I had taken in the exploration

44 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

and colonisation of Canada had stimulated his subjects. to a
corresponding activity. From 1541 to 1545 fishing-ships from
various Norman and Breton ports sailed for Canada every
year. In May 1541 a Spanish spy reported to his government
that in addition to Cartier's expedition ships were being fitted
out or had already sailed from Dieppe, Harfleur, and Hon-
fleur, from Morlaix, Quimper, and Croisic^. But in 1545 the
interest in Canada began to slacken. Though the third war
against the Emperor had been ended by the treaty of Crepy
in the preceding September, France was now at war with
England, and Jean Ango was devoting all his energies and
money to the maintenance of the royal navy. However, in
the early part of the year the moment seemed still propitious
for the publication of an account of Cartier's discoveries, and
on February 28 a privilege was granted to Ponce Roffet and
his brother-in-law Antoine Le Clerc for the publication of a
book entitled Brief recit et succincte narration, de la navigation
faicte es ysles de Canada, Hochelaga et Saguenay, et autres,
avec particulieres meurs, langaige, et cerimonies des habitans
d'icelles: fort delectable a veoir^. It is a simple and modest
narrative, occupying only forty-eight leaves, of Cartier's
second voyage. Probably a printed account of the first
voyage appeared about the same time, but no copy of it now
exists. Indeed, when Raphael Du Petit Val pubhshed an
account of this voyage at Rouen in 1598, he had to translate
it from a langue etrangere. This was the ItaUan version which
Ramusio had included in the third volume of his great col-
lection of voyages (Venice, 1556), and which was probably
translated from a printed text. Some forty years ago a MS.
which bears evident traces of being Cartier's original account
was discovered in the BibUoth^que Nationale, and edited in
1867 by H. Michelant and A. Rame under the title of Relation
originate du voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada. Cartier's

' J. P. Baxter, A Memoir of Jacques Carder, New York, 1906, pp. 348 ff. ;
H. Harrisse, Dicouverte et Evolution cariographique de Terre Neuve et des pavs
circonvoisins, Paris and London, 1900, p. 175.

2 The only known copy is in the British Museum. Tross discovered a
second, but it was lost with the ship which was taking it to America. See
H. Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana vetusiissima , for a facsimile of the title-
page.

THE FOURTH BOOK 45

third voyage and that of Roberval are represented only by
fragmentary narratives in Hakluyt's Voyages'^-

Thus when in the summer or early autumn of 1545 Rabelais
reverted to the idea which he had foreshadowed at the close
of the Second Book of making a long sea-voyage the frame-
work of his narrative, the interest of Frenchmen in maritime
adventure had been sensibly quickened. We read in chapter
xlix of the Third Book that Pantagruel, having agreed to
accompany Panurge on a voyage to the " Oracle of the Bottle,"
assembled his followers at the port of Thalasse near Saint-
Malo, and there made the necessary preparations 2. The Third
Book was pubhshed early in 1546, and in the summer of 1547
Rabelais, who had made a hurried flight to Metz immediately
after its publication, began his Fourth Book with an account
of the voyage. With the date of 1548, but probably in
November 1547, appeared ten chapters with the fragment of
an eleventh. In June 1548 we find Rabelais at Rome with
Jean Du Bellay. He returned to France in November 1549,
and obtained a fresh privilege on August 6, 1550. But the
complete Fourth Book did not appear till January 1552 and
internal evidence points to the fact that much of it was
written during the interval between the privilege and publica-
tion.

In the first chapter we read that Pantagruel put to sea at
the Port of Thalasse, and that he was accompanied by
"Xenomanes, the great traveller and traverser of perilous
ways, who had been sent for by Panurge and had arrived
certain days before." This is followed in the complete edition
of 1552 by the statement that "Xenomanes had left with
Gargantua, and marked out in his great and universal Hydro-
graphy the route which they were to take in their visit to
the Oracle of the Holy Bottle Bacbuc." Later on in the same
chapter we learn that the course of the ships was set by the

1 For the first voyage Mr Baxter translates the Relation originate, for the
second a MS. (No. 5589, one of three) in the Bibliothfeque Nationale, as he
found several errors and omissions in the Brief recit, including the omission
of two whole chapters (xi and xii). He adds the fragments from Hakluyt.

^ The privilege for the Third Book is dated September 19, 1545; the
concluding chapters were probably written not long before this.

46 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

principal pilot, and in the 1552 edition we are told that the
pilot's name was Jamet Brayer. In his Navigations de Panta-
gruel M. Lefranc, developing an idea first suggested by
M. Margry in his Navigations frangaises, has adduced several
excellent reasons for identif5dng Jamet Brayer with Jacques
Cartier, and Xenomanes with Jean Fonteneau, commonly
called Jean Alf onse of Saintonge, who accompanied Roberval
to Canada as his pilot.

The arguments in favour of identifying Xenomanes with
Jean Alfonse are the following. We are told in iii. xlix that
Xenomanes "had some small holding of the domain of Salmi-
gondin in mesne-fee," and all the commentators are agreed
that Salmigondin stands for Saintonge. We also know that
Jean Alfonse before he sailed on his last voyage, on the return
from which he was attacked by the Spaniards and mortally
wounded in the very port of La Rochelle(i544), had written
a Cosmographie and that it eventually came into the hands
of the poet Mellin de Saint-Gelais, who secured it for the
Royal Library. Rabelais, who was a friend of Saint-Gelais's,
may well have heard of this circumstance^. Moreover, the
part played by Xenomanes in the voyage, and the air of
authority with which he gives advice and explanation is in
complete keeping with the reputation of Jean Alfonse as the
most experienced French pilot of his day, who had sailed the
seas, as he tells us in his Cosmographie, for forty-eight years,
and had explored the coasts of America from the Straits of
Magellan in the south to Davis Strait in the north ^^

More recently M. Sainean has demonstrated, fully and con-
clusively, that the Cosmographie is almost entirely an impu-
dent plagiarism of the Suma de geographia of Fernandez de
Enciro, published at Seville in 1519. It is, in fact, except for
the last forty pages, a Uteral version of the Spanish work — and
a version which is disfigured by gross blunders, especially in
geographical and historical names*- Thus the Cosmographie

' For Rabelais's relations with Saint-Gelais see J. Plattard, Rev. des
Hudes rab. ix (1911), go fE.

2 See M. Georges Musset's introduction to his edition of the Cosmographie
in the Recueil de Voyages, vol. xx. 1904.

' Rev. des itudes rab. x (1912), 19-67.

ALFONSE AND CARTIER 47

emerges from M. Sainean's hands stripped of its borrowed
plumes and devoid of all scientific or literary value.

But because Jean Alfonse was a shameless plagiarist and
a man of no culture his identification with Xenomanes is not
necessarily demoUshed. The important point is that Jean
Alfonse was the most experienced French navigator of his
day. That was enough for Rabelais. As for the objection
raised by M. Sainean that the Cosmographie was not an
Hydrographie which Rabelais interprets in the Briefve
declaration as a "marine chart," it has never been suggested
that Rabelais had seen the work. All that is claimed is that
he may have heard from Saint-Gelais that the latter had
secured for the Royal Library a work which Jean Alfonse
had left in manuscript.

The identification of Jamet Brayer with Jacques Cartier
is more doubtful. M. Lefranc points out that Cartier, like
Jean Alfonse, had the requisite experience for acting as pilot
to Pantagruel on this particular route. He also lays stress
on a statement made by one Jacques Doremet, who in a little
volume on the antiquities of Saint-Malo, prints the following
marginal note opposite a passage dealing with Cartier's dis-
coveries: "Rabelais vint apprendre de ce Cartier les termes
de la marine et du pilotage a Saint-Malo pour en chamarrer
ses bouffonnesques Lucianismes et impies epicurismes."
Doremet's book was not printed tiU 1628, and the writer was
not bom till from fifteen to twenty years after Rabelais's
death. The statement therefore rests on tradition only, and
without further support cannot be said to have much
authority. But there are certain indications in Rabelais's
book of a personal acquaintance with Saint-Malo, where
Cartier lived till his death in 1557. In iv. Ixvi Panurge, who
is generally the mouthpiece of Rabelais's reminiscences, says
that he had seen the islands of Sark and Herm between
Brittany and England, from which we may reasonably infer
that Rabelais visited them from Saint-Malo. Again in in.
xxiv Panurge suggests that they should make a voyage to
the Ogygian islands which "are not far from the harbour of
Saint Malo." Lastly we find scattered up and down Rabelais's

48 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

book various reminiscences of Brittany, showing that he was
acquainted with the country generally. The fact that no name
is given to the pilot in the 1548 edition of the Fourth Book
leads M. Lefranc to suppose that it was not till after this date
that Rabelais became intimate with Cartier^. If so, the
intimacy cannot have begun till after Rabelais's return from
Rome in November 1549.

Since writing Les Navigations de Pantagruel M. Lefranc
has discovered that Jamet Brayer was the name of a real
individual — a merchant who trafficked on the Loire and
who was allied with Rabelais's family by marriage^- But,
though Rabelais has given his pilot the name of his rela-
tive, he may still be thinking of Jacques Cartier. There is
no longer, however, any reason to suppose that Rabelais
was not acquainted with Cartier till after his return from
Rome.

But the question whether Jamet Brayer is Jacques Cartier
or not is unimportant in comparison with the undoubted
fact that the influence of Cartier's voyages is plainly to
be traced in Rabelais's narrative. In chapter xxx of the
Fifth Book Cartier is mentioned without any disguise among
the travellers whom Pantagruel and his company encoun-
tered in the country of Satin, and in the Fourth Book there
are several reminiscences of his first and second voyage.
Pantagruel sets sail, as Cartier did, from Saint-Malo. On the
fourth day (according to the primitive edition), which was
June 12, he meets with a merchant-vessel returning home,
and learns that they are Frenchmen from Saintonge and that
they came from Lantern-land. This agrees with the account
of Cartier's first voyage, where we read that on June 12, off
Labrador, "we perceived a great ship which was from La
Rochelle, which had passed the night seeking the harbour
of Brest." For Lantern-land, though it stands for other
places as well, certainly stands for La Rochelle, where there
was a Tower of the Lantern, besides two towers in the
harbour.

' Les Navigations de Pantagruel, pp. 270-1.
' Rev. des itudes rab. iv (1906), 183.

THE ISLAND OF ENNASIN 49

In the partial edition of the Fourth Book, the first land at
which the travellers touch is the Island of Ennasin (Noseless
ones) or Alliances. "The men and women," we are told,
"are like the red-faced Poitevins, except that they all... have
their nose in the shape of an ace of clubs;... and all the people
were kindred and related to one another^." M. Lefranc very
ingeniously sees in this people a double reminiscence of Red
Indians and Eskimos, the red skin pointing to the former and
the abnormally flat nose to the latter. In his account of his
first voyage Cartier, speaking of the inhabitants of Blanc
Sablon on the coast of Labrador, says that "they paint them-
selves with certain tawny colours." These, Mr Baxter thinks,
belonged to the tribe of the Beothics who inhabited New-
foundland in Cartier's day, but have since been utterly exter-
minated. They were probably, he adds, the same people whom
John Cabot described as painting themselves with red ochre,
and three of whom he brought to England^. As for the trait re-
corded by Rabelais, that "all the people were related to one
another," it exactly represents the condition of an Indian
totem clan. There is, however, nothing either about this
peculiarity or about Eskimos in the accounts of Cartier's
voyages, so that if Rabelais is here recording actual experi-
ences he must have got his information from oral sources —
either from Cartier or, if he had not made Cartier's acquaint-
ance when he wrote this chapter, from Jean Alf onse. For Jean
Alfonse's home was at La Rochelle, and there seems good
ground for suggesting that Rabelais had met him there in
the Fontenay-le-Comte days, and he may have met him again
during the interval between his return from Canada in
February 1544 and his departure on his last voyage in July
of that year.

From the Island of Ennasin the travellers sail to the
Island of Cheli^, and M. Lefranc suggests that there may be

' IV. ix (iv of 1548 edition).

^ See also for the Beothics, Sir J, G. Millais, Newfoundland and its un-
trodden ways, 1907, pp. 17-30. He cites Richard Whitboume {A discourse
and discovery of Newfoundland, 1622, reprinted 1870) who made many-
voyages to Newfoundland from 1582 to 1618, and he gives a portrait of
Mary March, a Beothic, who died in 1809.

' IV. X (v of 1548 edition).

50 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

"some relation between King Panigon's reception of the
travellers and that of the Canadian chiefs who fill so large a
place in the narrative of Cartier's second voyage." I am pre-
pared to go a step further, and to identify "the good King
Panigon" with Donnacona, the "Agonhanna" or lord of
Canada. For in the complete edition of the Fourth Book he
is called "King Saint Panigon," and in a curious passage in
chapter xxv of the Fifth Book, which only occurs in the MS.
of the Bibhotheque Nationale, we are told that "Panigon in
his last days had retired to a hermitage in this Island" (the
Island of Odes) "and Hved in great sanctity and the true
Catholic Faith." Now this forcibly reminds one of the fate
of Donnacona, who was treacherously captured by Cartier's
orders, carried off to France, and baptized at Saint-Malo, and
who died in "the true Catholic Faith" just before Cartier
started on his third voyage in 1540I- This resemblance
between Donnacona and Panigon leads one the more readily
to accept M. Lefranc's suggestion, and to see in Rabelais's
words, "Panigon voulut qu'elle [the queen] et toute sa suite
baissassent Pantagruel et ses gens. Telle estoit la courtoisie
et coustume du pays," another reminiscence of Cartier's
second voyage, in the narrative of which we read that Donna-
cona " pria notre cappitaine luy bailler les bras pour les baiser
et accoUer qui est leur mode de faire ch^re en ladicte terre^."
The expression "faire chere" probably suggested to Rabelais
the contempt which Brother John expressed for these cere-
monies compared with the more substantial cheer of king
Panigon's kitchen.

There is also, if I am not mistaken, another reminiscence
of the Indians whom Cartier carried off to France. In iv. xUi
we are told that the Queen of the Chitterlings in pursuance of
the treaty with Pantagruel sent to Gargantua seventy-eight
thousand royal Chitterlings "under the conduct of the young

' Hakluyt, viii. 263 and 145 (Discourse of Christopher Carleill) . Andr6
Thevet, who calls him Donacova Aguauna, gives the same account of him
in Les SingulariUs de la France Antarctique, c. Ixxvii (P. Villey, Les Sources
d'idies au X VI" sUcle) .

^ Rabelais has doubtless also in his mind Erasmus's account of the
similar custom in England.

THE ISLAND OF PROCURATION 51

Niphleseth, Infanta of the island. The noble Gargantua sent
them as a present to the great King of Paris; but from change
of air and also for want of mustard, .. .they nearly all died."
But "the young Niphleseth was preserved and honourably
treated; afterwards she was married in a high and wealthy
position, and had several fine children, for which God be
praised." Does not this too recall the fate of Cartier's Indians,
all of whom died with the exception of one little girl of ten
years old^?

M. Plattard notes another possible reminiscence of Cartier.
At Hochelaga the Breton pilot gave the natives "paternosters
of tin and knives " ; similarly, Pantagruel presented Niphleseth
with "a pretty little knife of Le Perche make (fiargois)^."

After leaving the Island of Cheli Pantagruel came to that
of Procuration, "which is a country all blurred and blotted.
I could make nothing of it. There we saw Pettifoggers and
Catchpoles — ^folk with their hair on. They invited us neither
to eat nor drink ^." Here again there seems to be a remi-
niscence of Cartier's first voyage. Between Chaleur Bay and
Gaspe Bay they met with "thick fogs and obscurity," and of
the people whom they encountered on the shore of Gaspe Bay,
we are told that "they are the poorest folk that there may
be in the world," and that "they have their heads shorn close
all about except a tuft on the top of the head which they tie
like a horse's tail*."

The 1548 edition of the Fourth Book ends abruptly with
the fragment of a chapter which tells of the arrival of Panta-
gruel and his companions after the storm at the Island of the
Macreons. It looks as if Rabelais was still under the influence
of Cartier's voyages when he wrote it. The analogy which
M. Lefranc points out between Rabelais's description of .the
spirit-haunted Island of the Macreons and that which Andre
Thevet gives in his Cosmographie Universelle of the imaginary
Island of Demons is very striking and interesting. For, as
M. Lefranc says, in several maps of the sixteenth century an

^ Hakluyt, loc. cit.
2 Rev. des Uudes rah. vi (1908), 281.
' IV. xii (vi of partial edition).
' Baxter, pp. 108, 109.

52 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

Isle of Demons figures off the coast "of Labrador^, and its
legend may well have been familiar to Rabelais. At the
beginning of the seventeenth century we find the similar
name of the Isle of Devils applied to the Bermudas. It is the
name which they bear in the two accounts of the shipwreck
of the Sea Adventure, by Silvester Jourdan and WilHam
Strachey respectively, which Shakespeare probably read
before he wrote the Tempest^

Nearly all the foregoing instances have been taken from
the partial edition of the Fourth Book, which Rabelais pub-
lished in 1548. In the rest of the book, as it appeared in the
complete edition of 1552, except for the Island of the
Macreons, there are only shght traces of Cartier's influence.
Canada indeed is mentioned by name, the Island of Meda-
mothi, the account of which forms the second chapter of the
1552 edition, being compared with it for size; but I very much
doubt whether, as M. Lefranc suggests, Medamothi stands
for Newfoundland. For while Medamothi is described as a
single island, Newfoundland is represented in nearly all the
maps which appeared about the time of Cartier's narratives,
and which were based for these parts on his discoveries, as a
group of islands, varying from nine in the Harleian Map to
three in Descelier's Map of 1550*. I think also that M. Lefranc
exaggerates the realism in Rabelais's description of the
tarande which Pantagruel bought from a Sc5d;hian merchant
of the country of the Gelones (Siberia). It is true that the
presence of such a merchant in the neighbourhood of New-
foimdland agrees with the idea, which Cartier and Jean
Alfonse had both formed, that Canada was " an end of Asia,"
but the description of the tarande is practically identical with
that of the Scytharum tarandrus given by Phny, and I doubt

1 In the map of " Sebastian Cabot" (1544) it is placed near the Strait of
Belle Isle. In Michael Lok's map (1582) it occupies much the same position.
In the map from Peter Martyr's Ds orbe novo, published at Paris and dedi-
cated to Hakluyt (1587), it is put several degrees further north.

^ Jourdan's narrative is entitled A Discovery of the Bermudas otherwise
called the Isle of Divils, 1610.

' It appears as a single island in the poriolan of Giovanni Benedetti of
Siena 1543 (Harrisse, Dicouverte, pp. 223-4 and frontispiece, from the
collection of Mr H. Yates Thompson), and as two islands — which is very
near the mark — in a sketch of Jean Alfonse [ib. p. 225).

THE RINGING ISLAND 53

whether Rabelais knew that it fairly well represents a real
animal, the reindeer.

There is yet another possible reminiscence of Cartier's voy-
ages in the Fourth Book. May not the vocabulary of the
language of the natives which appears at the end of the first
and second voyages^ have suggested to Rabelais the Brief ve
declaration d'aucunes dictions plus obscures which he appended
to the Fourth Book?

In the episode of the Ringing Island which opens the Fifth
Book, M. Lefranc finds another reminiscence. He suggests
that the idea of an island inhabited by birds who were once
men is inspired by Cartier's first voyage. There we read of
three Islands of Birds; first, the Funk Islands to the East of
Newfoundland, which were so full of Apponatz (great auks),
Godez (giiillemots or razorbills, or possibly both), and Mar-
gaulx (solan geese) "that it seemed as if they had been
stowed there^"; secondly. Greenly Island off the coast of
Labrador, which was inhabited by guillemots and puffins;
thirdly, the Bird Rocks near the Magdalen Isles in the Gulf
of St Lawrence, which were "as full of birds as a field of
grass," and which Cartier named Isles des Margaulx. Now
the termination of Margaulx is identical with that adopted
by Rabelais for the clergaulx, monagaulx etc. of his Ringing
Island. This may be a mere coincidence, but I am inclined
to regard it as lending support to M. Lefranc's suggestion.
Further support is to be found in the mention in chapter iii
of Robert Valbringue, whom all the commentators agree to
be Roberval. I may also note that this theory that the
framework for the satire of the Ringing Island was sug-
gested to Rabelais by Cartier's voyages agrees with the view
which I hold on other grounds, namely, that the episode

^ There is a similar vocabulary at the end of the French abridgement of
Pigafetta's narrative of Magellan's voyages.

2 Arrimez. Du Petit Val has semds, a translation of Ramusio's seminati
(see Baxter, p. 77). For the Great Auk or Garefowl op. R. Whitbourne,
op. cit. : " These Penguins are as bigge as geese and flye not, for they have
but a little short wing, and they multiplie so infinitely upon a certain flat
Hand, that men drive them from thence upon a boord into their boats by
hundreds at a time ; as if God had made the innocency of so poore a creature
to become such an admirable instrument for the sustentation of man."

54 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

was written in 1546^- At the same time I still hold to the
opinion that the main source of inspiration is the legend of
St Brandan, in which an Island of Birds, who were formerly
men, plays a prominent part^ Indeed one source may easily
have suggested the other. For had Rabelais looked at a con-
temporary map, as, for instance, the great map made by
Pierre Desceliers at Arques near Dieppe in 1546', he would
have seen the Isle aux Margaulx in the Gulf of St Lawrence,
and the Isle of St Brandan almost due east of Cape Race.

Ill

The Short Way to Cathay

Throughout what may be called the golden age of geo-
graphical discovery the aim of every maritime explorer,
whether he sailed from Bristol, or Dieppe, or Lisbon, or
Seville, was to find a short way to Cathay. This was the object
alike of Colmnbus and John Cabot, of Magellan and Gomes,
of Verrazzano and Cartier. In the earlier days, when imagina-
tion was strong and knowledge vague, Cathay stood for the
fabled home of the earthly Paradise. But when knowledge
became more precise and Cathay was identified with China,
though the more visionary spirits might still cherish dreams
of terrestrial bliss, practical men were chiefly concerned to
find a short route to the rich Spice Islands, a route which
would save them the long voyage round the Cape of Good
Hope. One such route was made known to Western Europe
in 1522, when the survivors of Magellan's expedition returned
to Seville with the news of the discovery of the straits which
perpetuate Magellan's name. But it was believed that there
were other routes, either by the North- West or the North-

1 See below, p. 98.

' See my Franfois Rabelais, p. 252.

' Known as La Mappemonde de Henri II. See below, p. 64. St Brandan's
Isle appears in the maps of Sebastian Cabot and Michael Lok, and in the
Paris map dedicated to Hakluyt. Professor Egerton in the Cambridge
Modern History (iv. 746) notes that in 1631 a grant of the island was
gravely requested and as gravely made.

GOMES AND VERRAZZANO 55

East, or by a northern passage through America correspond-
ing to that discovered by Magellan in the South. It was the
latter belief which found most favour in Spain. The great
Conquistador, Heman Cortes, says in his Fourth Letter to
Charles V^, which was despatched on October 15, 1524, that
he proposed to explore the coast from Panuco to the coast of
Florida, and from there, towards the north, as far as the
Bacallaos^. "For it is believed absolutely that there is a
strait on that coast which leads to the South Sea." But before
the arrival of this letter Estevao Gomes, the Portuguese pilot
in the service of Charles V who had so basely deserted
Magellan, had already sailed from Coruna in search of the
passage to Cathay in the direction indicated by Cortes. He
returned in November 1525 having explored the American
coast from Nova Scotia to Florida, but without having found
a passage^- On the other hand the historian, Fernandez de
Oviedo, who for many years held important posts in the
Spanish Indies, and who at this time was living in Hispaniola
(San Domingo), wrote in his Sumario (printed at Toledo in
1526) in 1525 that "if there be any such strait we that inhabit
those parts do think that the same should be rather of land
than of water*."

In the year previous to the voyage of Gomes a similar
exploration with the primary object of finding a passage to
Cathay had, as we have seen, been made by Verrazzano on
behalf of the King of France, and in most of the maps of this
period, except those made at Seville, the land between Florida
and Bacalhaos is called Francesca or Nova Gallia. The results
of the voyage are said to have been first recorded in a map
which the explorer himself presented to Henry VIII, between
his return in 1524 and the year 1526. Hakluyt speaks of it in

1 Letters of Cortes, translated and edited by F. A. MacNutt, 2 vols., New
York, 1908, 11. 207.

" A los Bacallaos ; at this time Bacalhaos (Portuguese for codfish) or, as
it was also called, the "New Land," vaguely designated the region of Canada,
Newfoundland and Labrador. It was not till after Cartier's first voyage
that Newfoundland was known to be an island. .

^ P. Mart3?r, De novo orbe, dec. vi. c. x (end); H. Harrisse, Dicouverte,
pp. 87, 88, and The Discovery of North America, 1892, pp. 229 fi.

* Eden's translation in The first three English books on America, ed. Arber,
Birmingham, 1885.

56 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

the following terms: "A mighty large old map in parchment,
made, as it should seem, by Verrazzanus, traced along the
coast from Florida to Cape Breton, with many ItaUan names,
which layeth out the sea, making a Uttle neck of land in
40 degrees of latitude, much like the straight neck or isthmus
of Darien. It sheweth also a short and easy passage by the
North-West^." This map is now lost^ but it is generally re-
garded as the prototype of those made by Vesconte di
Maggiolo at Genoa in 1527 (now in the Ambrosian Library at
Milan)* and by Girolamo Verrazzano the explorer's brother
in 1529 (now in the library of the Propaganda at Rome). A
new feature of both these maps is that a Uttle isthmus is
shown to the East of "Terra Florida*," between that country
and "Francesca," and there is a statement on Verrazzano's
map that it is only six miles across. In Maggiolo's, but not
in Verrazzano's, a strait is also shown across Honduras with
the legend Streito duhitoso. The isthmus also appears in a
series of portolans made by Battista Agnese, a Genoese carto-
grapher who worked at Venice from 1536 to 1564. In one of
these, unsigned, but dated 1536 (now at Dresden), and in four
undated ones a punctuated route is even indicated with the
legend El viazo de Fransa. Starting from a port of Normandy
(doubtless Dieppe), it crosses the Atlantic, passes over the
supposed isthmus, traverses the Pacific, and ends at Cathay*.
The influence of Verrazzano is also shown in the maps which
accompany Miinster's Ptolemy of 1540 and 1545 (both printed
at Basle), and the various editions of his Cosmography. In
Map No. I, Typus orbis universalis, a passage is marked at the
sixtieth degree of longitude between Francesca and Bacal-
h(a)os, with the legend per hoc /return iter patet ad Molucas^-
To the same Verrazzanian family belong the copper globe of

"■ Harrisse, DScouverte, p. 94, n. i.

'^ In his dedicatory epistle to Sir P. Sidney, Hakluyt says that it was in
the custody of Master Lok and Lok's map of 1582 is evidently based on it
in part.

' Harrisse, Discovery, p. 553; Winsor, History of North America, iv. 39.

* Harrisse, Discovery, pp. 553 and 216 fE. (with a reproduction), and see
for both maps L. Hugues, Comm. Colomb. pt v. vol. ii. p. 240 f.

' Harrisse, Discovery, 626 ff . ; Winsor, iv. 40.

' For Miinster's maps see Harrisse, Discovery, 607 ff.

THE CARTOGRAPHERS OF DIEPPE 57

Euphrosjoius Ulpius (1542) now in the possession of the New
York Historical Society^ and the globe of Bailly dated 1530,
the earliest extant map of demonstrably French origin ^-

Both the English and the Portuguese thought that the
passage was to be found more to the north, somewhere in the
direction of Labrador, or even nearer to the Pole. In 1527 a
London merchant, named Robert Thome, who had Uved for
a long time at Seville, expressed his views in two letters,
written from that city, and addressed respectively to Henry
VIII and to Dr Edward Lee, our ambassador to the Emperor^-
It seemed to this optimist an easy matter to reach the Pole.
For only about two or three leagues on either side of the Pole
would there be any danger, and then you "may decline to
what part you list, either by the North-East route, or by the
North- West, in the backe side of the new found land."

Meanwhile an important school of cartography was being
formed in France at Dieppe. It was from the Dieppe pilots,
with whom Verrazzano and his brother, living as they did
at Rouen, were in close communication, that the makers of
aU the Verrazzanian maps, whether Frenchmen, or Germans,
or Italians, got much of their information. From about 1536
onwards several remarkable specimens of the cartographic
art were produced at Dieppe by Nicolas Deslien, Pierre
Desceliers, and others. They represent a new type of map, in
which the discoveries of Jacques Cartier for the first time
take their place. Cartier too had set out to find a short way
to Cathay, and had failed to find a passage in the direction of
Labrador. But while he was exploring the St Lawrence, a
new solution of the problem presented itself to him. "We
have understood," he says, "of the lord Donnacona and
others... that beyond the said Saguenay [the district, not the
river] the said stream [the St Lawrence] floweth into two or
three great lakes, and that then one finds a fresh-water sea,
of which there is no mention of having seen the end, as they
have heard from those of the Saguenay; for they have told us

1 Winsor, iv. 32.

^ Harrisse, op. cit. 147. The inscription Robertus de Bailly may denote
either the maker of the map or the person who ordered it.
= Hakluyt, 11. 159 ff.

58 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

they have not been therei." Similarly Jean Alfonse, who,
as we have seen, accompanied Roberval to Canada in 1542,
says: "The entrance of Saguenay is at 48^ degrees of longi-
tude... and it seemeth to be as it were an arm of the sea,
wherefore I think that this sea goes to the Pacific or in fact to
the Sea of Cathay^." This expresses the same vague informa-
tion which was given to Cartier, for the latter had been told
that one way into the interior was by the river Saguenay, but
that owing to the shallowness and general innavigabihty of
the stream it presented great difficulties.

In spite of the hearsay character of the Indian chiefs'
information this new theory of the passage found great favour
in France, and held the field for nearly a centmy and a half.
To find a way to China was one of the two great objects which
Champlain had ever present before his eyes. The name of
La Chine which La Salle gave to the royal grant of land just
across the great rapids which still bear the name, about eight
or nine miles from Montreal, testify to the same ambition.
When he heard of the river Ohio he thought that it would
prove to flow into the Pacific, and it was not tiU 1682 when
he reached the mouth of the Mississippi, into which the Ohio
falls, and found that it flowed into the Gulf of Mexico, that
the dream was finally shattered.

Such briefly was the state of knowledge and speculation

with regard to a passage by water through North America,

to the Pacific Ocean and the continent of Asia when Rabelais

began to write his Fourth Book in the summer of 1546. I will

now cite the remarkable words in which he describes the

departure of Pantagruel's fleet on its voyage of exploration :

In good time they set sail to the Greek [north-east] wind as it got
up, to which point the chief pilot had shaped their course, and set
the needles of all their compasses. For his advice, and also that of
Xenomanes was — seeing that the oracle of the Holy Bottle was near
Cathay in Upper India — not to take the ordinary route of the Portu-
guese, who, saiUng through the torrid zone and the Cape of Bona-
speranza at the south point of Africa, beyond the equinoctial line,
and losing the sight and guidance of the arctic pole, make an enor-

^ J. P. Baxter, Jacques Cartier, 1906, p. 189; Hakluyt, viii. 246.
^ Cosmographie, ed. G. Musset, p. 459. Hakluyt's translation is not quite
accurate.

THE VOYAGE OF PANTAGRUEL 59

mously long voyage; but to follow as near as possible the parallel of
the aforesaid India, and to turn round the said pole to the Westward,
so that winding under the North they might be in the same latitude
as the port of Clone without coming nearer to the pole, for fear of
coming into and being shut up in the glacial Sea. And following this
regular circuit by the same parallel they might have it on their right
as they sailed Eastward, as on their departure it was on the left.
Now tiiis turned out to their incredible advantage; for without. ship-
wreck, without danger or loss of men, in great cahn they made the
voyage to Upper India in less than four months, which the Portu-
guese could scarcely do in three years, with dangers innumerable.

This is from the text of the partial edition of 1548. In the
complete edition of 1552 Rabelais, besides giving the name of
the pilot as Jamet Brayer, substituted canonique destour for
reguUer destour, but this makes no difference in the meaning.
W. "F. Smith is surely wrong in translating I'eussent d dextre
vers le Levant, qui au departement leurs estoit d senestre, by
"they might have the eastward on their right, which at
their departure was on their left." For this rendering takes
no account of the le before eussent, which must refer to the
"parallel." On the outward voyage Pantagruel and his com-
panions would have this imaginary parallel on their left, for
they would sail to the north of it ; consequently on their return
by the same route they would have it on their right 1. Here it
may be noticed that the latitude of Olonne (to give it its
modem spelling) is 46° 34', while what was known in Rabelais's
day as Upper India lies roughly between latitudes 45° and
50°. Further, more or less on the same parallel will be found
Cape Race, the southernmost point of Newfoundland (46° 40'),
and Quebec (46° 24').

The travellers "set saU," we are told, "to the N.E. wind,"
which must be taken to imply that after clearing the northern-
most point of Brittany, they steered in a south-westerly
direction till they reached the latitude of Olonne. For three
days "they neither sighted land nor saw anything new"
(c. ii). On the fourth day (according to the text of 1548) as
they were "beginning by degrees to wind round {tournoyer)
the Pole, going further from the Equinoctial" (c. ii = v of
1556 ed.) "they met a merchant- vessel returning from
* Cp. Lefranc, pp. 322, 323.

6o RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

Lantern-land." This gave rise to the remarkable encounter
between Panurge and the sheep-dealer, and on the next day
but one, "the west wind continuing to blow in conjunction
with a little of the south-west" they came to a triangular
island greatly resembling Sicily in form and situation (c. iv
= ix of 1552 ed.). On leaving this island the S.W. wind was
still blowing, and about sundown they disembarked on another
island, that of Cheli (c. v = x of 1552 ed.). On the following
day they visited the country of Procuration and passed the
islands of Tohu and Bohu (cc. vi, vii = cc. xii, xvi, xvii of
1552 ed.). Soon after this they encountered a terrible storm,
and when it had abated, they landed at the port of the island
of the Macrseons. At this point the 1548 edition abruptly
ends, but in the complete edition of 1552 we are told that this
island was "formerly subject to the ruler of Brittany." On
leaving the island they sailed with a gentle and deUcious wind
called Aguyon, which Rabelais in the Briefve declaration ex-
plains to be a Breton and Norman name for a sea breeze
resembling the west wind on land. This surely implies that
Aguyon was a westerly wind. After this there is nothing to
indicate the direction of the voyagers until we come to the
episode of the frozen words, when it appears from the pilot's
explanation of the phenomenon that they had reached the con-
fines of the glacial sea (c. Ivi) . Finally we learn that after they
had been becalmed the wind began to blow from the W.N.W.
There is just one other point in the account of the voyage
that calls for notice. At the very close of the Fifth Book (in
a passage which occurs in the manuscript but not in the
printed text, but which is surely by Rabelais) the priestess
Bacbuc after presenting Pantagruel and his friends with three
bottles filled with water, tells them that the rarefaction of the
water by heat will produce air, and that by means of this air
the ships will be carried direct, without touching land if they
please, to the port of Olonne. But why to Olonne instead of
to St Malo, the port from which they had saUed? For the
same reason no doubt that Olonne is mentioned at the outset
of the voyage, because it was on the same parallel as the
Oracle of the Bottle.

RABELAIS AND THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE 6l

Such axe, so to speak, the geographical data of Pantagruel's
voyage. The following question now arises : What route had
Rabelais in mind when he wrote the words at the close of
the first chapter of the Fourth Book which I have quoted
above? Did he from the beginning contemplate a voyage by
the North- West passage? Or was he thinking of a passage
further to the south by way of the St Lawrence? If these
words stood alone, if we had no other indications of the direc-
tion taken by the voyagers, I should unhesitatingly choose
the latter alternative. For, firstly, from the time of Cartier
the idea of a passage by the St Lawrence was, as we have
seen, the prevailing one in France, and, secondly, the account
of Cartier's voyages, as I hope I have shown, had a decided
influence upon Rabelais's narrative. But other indications
in the narrative, the mention of south-westerly winds —
in Rabelais's day the coast of Labrador was supposed to
trend to the north-east — and of the approach to the con-
fines of the glacial sea, are in favour of the view which has
been so admirably explained and Ulustrated by M. Lefranc,
namely that Pantagruel is represented by Rabelais as reach-
ing the continent of Asia by what is known as the North-
West passage.

In my book on Rabelais I suggested that, when he wrote
the first chapter of the Fourth Book at Metz in 1546, he was
thinking of the supposed passage by way of the St Lawrence,
but that later he adopted th& idea of a voyage by the North-
West passage. I further suggested that this change was due
to Cartier's failure to find a passage in the direction of the
St Lawrence. I now see that this latter hypothesis is clearly
untenable. So far as we can gather, both Cartier and Jean
Alfonse returned with the conviction that the passage to
Cathay, though they had been unable to find it, was to be
sought rather in the neighbourhood of the St Lawrence and
the Saguenay than in the direction of Labrador.

There are some difficulties too in the way of my first hypo-
thesis. In chapter i he says that the chief pilot and Xenomanes
advised them to keep in the same latitude as the port of
Olonne, without coming nearer to the Pole. But in chapter v

62 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

(ed. 1552) he tells us that they were beginning by degrees to
wind round the Pole, going further from the Equinoctial. This
looks as if when he wrote this last passage he had begun to
change his mind. I hope to show in my next paper that in
all probabihty the incomplete Fourth Book which appear-
ed in 1548 was written in two sections, the first, consist-
ing of chapters i, v-xvi (ed. 1552), at Metz, and the second,
consisting of chapters xvii-xxiv, and a part of xxv, at Paris
in 1547. Thus according to this division of the chapters the
idea of a North- West passage had already suggested itself to
Rabelais at Metz.

Hitherto I have confined myself mainly to a consideration
of Rabelais's literary sources for geographical matters. But
one may suppose that he also consulted maps, and, if so,
what maps?

First, one naturally thinks of the maps which accompany
the Novus Orbis. Now in some of the copies of the Basle
editions of 1532 and 1537, the former of which was certainly
used by Rabelais, there is a map which is generally attributed
to Sebastian Miinster, chiefly, if not wholly, on the ground
that he wrote the geographical summary which serves as an
introduction to the volume. But the map bears no resemblance
to his undoubted work in the Ptolemy of 1540 and 1545. It
belongs to an early type in which North America is only
represented by two islands, Cuba and Terra Corterealis, and
in fact closely resembles Schoner's globe of 1515. As it is
only found in some of the copies of the Novus Orbis, it is very
probable that it does not really belong to it, but was some-
times bound up with it^. Rabelais certainly did not use it.
Nor did he use the map which Oronce Fin6 made in 1531,
and which is found in most copies of the Paris 1532 edition
of the Novus Orbis. This belongs to a type prevalent in Ger-
many between 1523 and 1538, in which America is joined to
Asia^

A very popular map was the one made by the great Gerard

1 It is reproduced in Nordenskiold's Facsimile Atlas to the early study of
Cartography, Stockholm, 1889, plate xm. It is in neither of the two copies
in the Cambridge University Library.

* Nordenskiold, plate xli (2).

THE MAPS OF MERCATOR AND MUNSTER 63

Mercator at Louvain, in 1538, in which he reverted to the
older and correct view of the separation of America from
Asia, making a. f return arcticum between the baccalearum regio
and the Arctic lands^. But with the exception of this indi-
cation of a passage, there is nothing in the map to suggest
that it was known to Rabelais.

Then there are the maps already referred to which Sebastian
Miinster pubhshed at Basle in his Ptolemy of 1540 and 1545
and his Cosmographia of 1541, 1550, etc., of which those which
concern us are Typus orbis universalis (i) and Novae insulae
(xvii). In these too America is separated from Asia, and in
No. I a passage is marked between "Francesca" and "Terra
Nova sive de Bacalh(a)os," with the legend, per hoc /return iter
patet ad Molucas. Newfoundland appears as one small island,
with the name of Corterati. On the continent of Asia India
superior is marked between 60° and 70°, that is to say, on
the same latitude as the passage. In the map of the Novae
insulae we find the following legends : Farias abundat auro et
margaritis, Canibali' Regio Gigantum, 7 insulae Margueri-
tarum. All this is more or less in conformity with Rabelais's
ideas about the New World, and M. Lefranc has rightly
included these two maps among the illustrations to his
book^

Finally we come to the maps of the Dieppe school, three of
which, at least, were in existence when Rabelais began to write
his Fourth Book, namely, (i) a map in the Harleian collection
of the British Musetun^, (2) a map made by Nicolas Deslien in
1541, now in the Royal Library at Dresden, and (3) a "boke

' Nordenskiold, plate xliii. In 1541 Mercator made a globe which is
now in the royal library at Brussels. The gores for it have been reproduced
at Brussels, 1875.

^ p. 32, and at the end of the book.

' Add. MSS. 5413. The official date is 1536, on the ground that the arms
of the Dauphin show an open crown, and that the crown was closed in
that year. Was this the case? Prof. Beazley assigns it to 1536-1540. It must
certainly have been made after Cartier's return from his second voyage in
July 1536. M. Harrisse says it must be later than his third voyage from
which he returned in October 1542, but it gives no information which goes
beyond the results of the second voyage, except the name San Malo. It is
reproduced in facsimile in Bibliotheca Lindesiana, Collections and Notes,
No. 4, 1898. In the introductory notice C. H. Coote says that it is unques-
tionably the work of Pierre DesceUers.

64 RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY

of Idrography " or portolan, made by John Rotz (Jean Roze),
a citizen of Dieppe, in 1542 for Henry VHP- A fourth map of
the same school was made by Pierre Desceliers in the very
year, 1546, that Rabelais began his account of Pantagruel's
voyage. This is the so-called "Map of Henri IP." All these
maps give the results of Cartier's discoveries, but there is no
proof that Rabelais was acquainted with any of them. None
of them indicate any passage by way of the St Lawrence.
Indeed in the Harleian map the course of the St Lawrence,
after being traced for some distance beyond Le premier sault
and the junction of another river, which is apparently meant
for the Ottawa, is abruptly barred by a large undiscovered
tract of country. The only one which shows any indication
that it may possibly have inspired some parts of Rabelais's
narrative is the "Map of Henri II." On this we find marked
not only a Terre des Bretons and the island of Cape Breton,
but to the south-east of this in latitude 46° an island called
Isle du breton, which perhaps may have suggested to Rabelais
his Isle des Macreons. For that island, as we have seen, is
said to have been formerly subject to the dominafeur de
Bretaigne^. Then, as I have pointed out*, we find in the Gulf
of St Lawrence the Isle aux Margaulx, which recalls the
clergaulx, etc., of the Ringing Island, and almost due east of
Cape Race the Isle of St Brandan. South-east of the Isle du
breton between latitudes 37"^ and 41'' ntraierous islands are
marked, and south of the Bermudas is an island called La
Catholique, which is vaguely suggestive of the famous Isle
des Papimanes. Among the pictures which diversify the sur-
face of this interesting map two are especially noteworthy.
One is a small full-length figure with the legend "M. de
Roberval," and the other represents the harpooning of a

1 Brit. Mus. O. R. Lib. 20 E ix (see esp. leaf 24); Haxrisse, Dicouverte, pp.
201, 220. For the Dieppe maps see ib. pp. 149 ff.

^ Reproduced by Jomard, who then owned it, in Monuments de la gio-
graphie, Paris, 1858-1862, and in Bibl. Lind. It is now in the Rylands
Library, Manchester, having been sold to Mrs Rylands by Lord Crawford.
Coote deciphered on it in faint writing the words, " Faicte a Arques par Pierre
Desceliers presb''. 1546." For the section relating to Canada see Plate i.

' Some commentators take Bretaigne to mean Britain ; this seems unUkely .

* See above, p. 54.

PLATE I

-:.Mr..

'■^

■ "■ 1

Cl-

-(■

Section of the so-called "Map of Henri II" (15+6)

"MAP OF HENRI II " 65

whale. I give these comparisons for what they are worth,
which is not perhaps much. For not one of thefti points to
the map conclusively as the source of Rabelais's inspiration.
But, taken as a whole, they are suggestive, and it must be
remembered that even supposing that Rabelais had studied
the map, we must not expect too close a resemblance. He
was, after all, not a scientific geographer, but a writer of
romance, bound only by his own imagination.

In any case there is nothing that I have been able to find
in this or any other map which throws light on Rabelais's
views as to the short way to Cathay. The only conclusion to
which the whole evidence seems to point is that his first idea
was to conduct his travellers by way of the St Lawrence, and
that for some reason or other he abandoned this for a more
northerly route, that of the North-West passage. When
Captain Roald Amundsen accompUshed his remarkable voy-
age from the Atlantic to the Pacific, he realised the dream of
nearly five centuries. But it was not a "short way to the East
by the West," for it took three years to accomplish.

IV
RABELAIS AND HENRI II

When Francis I died on the 31st of March 1547, Rabelais
was at Metz, whither, anticipating the censure which the
Sorbonne passed on his Third Book, he had fled early in
1546, and where he had obtained a post as physician to the
public hospital. We know from an entry in the town accounts
that he was paid his salary up to Midsiammer 1547, and prob-
ably at that date he returned to France. For a passage in the
Sciomachie seems to point to hi$ presence in Paris on July 10
of that year. It runs as follows : " We have seen similar news
\i.e- news transmitted with apparently supernatural rapidity]
at Lyons of the battle of Pavia, in the person of the late
Seigneur de Rochef ort, and recently at Paris on the day when
the Seigneur de Jarnac and the Seigneur de Chastaigeraye
fought their duel [at Saint-Germain]." The question is whether
"we " is used in a personal sense, either as equivalent to "I"
or at least as including the writer, or whether, as M. Plattard
in his excellent edition of the 1548 text of the Fourth Book^
maintains, it merely implies the men of Rabelais's generation
as opposed to the ancient historians to whom he has just
referred. The majority of opinion 2, however, is against
M. Plattard.

The next date in Rabelais's Ufe — and this time it is a
certain one— is June 18, 1548, on which day he signed a
receipt for the value of a bill of exchange drawn at Paris on a
Roman banker. He describes himself as physician to Cardinal
Du Bellay, who had been sent by Henri II on a special mission
to Rome. When did Rabelais leave France? The old view,
based on (i) the publication of the incomplete Fourth Book
with the imprint of 1548, (2) the mention of nouveauxHenricus

^ Le Quart Livre de Pantagruel, igio.

' Recently L. Romier, Notes critiques et documents sur le dernier voyage
de Rabelais en Italie, Rev. des etudes rob. x (1912), 120 ff., and H. Clouzot,
Rev. du XVI' sidcle, vi (1919), 276.

THE FOURTH BOOK OF 1548 67

in chapter iii = vi of the 1552 edition, was that he set out in
the spring of 1548 — at the earUest in the second half of
February.

But this view has been upset by M. Romier^, who points
out that a priori it is far more likely that Rabelais travelled
to Rome in the company of his patron and his suite than
that he was sent for by the Cardinal and travelled alone.
Now Du Bellay took leave of the King and the Court at
Reims on July 27, 1547, after the ceremony of the King's
consecration, and set out for Rome by the route usually taken
in time of peace with the Emperor — Lyons, the Alps, Turin,
Placentia, Ferrara, etc. On the nth of September he was
at Ferrara, where he spent several days; on the 15th he
reached Bologna, and on the 27th he entered Rome. But if
Rabelais travelled with him, what about the publication of
his book in 1548? and then there is the difficulty of the
■nouveaux Henricus.

Of this latter difficulty M. Romier easily disposes. "The
nouveaux Henricus," says M. Plattard, following Heulhard,
"were struck by virtue of an ordiaance of January 31, 1548."
But the date as given by Cartier, La Numismatique de
Rabelais {Rev. de Numismatique, xii. 347), and Le Blanc,
Traite hist, des monnoies de France, p. 331, is old style so that
the ordinance can have nothing to do with Rabelais's nou-
veaux Henricus. On the other hand, we learn from Le Blanc
that double crowns called Henris were struck at the very
beginning of the new king's reign. M. Romier, therefore, con-
jectures that Rabelais originally wrote Franciscus (for the
famous episode of Panerge and the sheep-dealer must have
been written in June or July 1546), but altered it to nouveaux
Henricus before he handed his manuscript to the printer.

There remains the date of pubhcation — 1548. But books
were post-dated in Rabelais's day as well as in ours, and
M. Romier conjectures that the incomplete Fourth Book
really appeared at the opening of the Lyons fair, November 3,
1547, at the same time as Rabelais's Almanac for 1548. This
conjecture is based on the important conclusions drawn by
1 op. cit. pp. 113 ff.

5—2

68 RABELAIS AND HENRI II

M. Abel Lefranc from the publication of Pantagruel as to the
relations which existed in the sixteenth century between the
great fairs and the pubUcation of books. It must have been
early in September ^ that Cardinal Du Bellay passed through
Lyons, so that, whether Rabelais joined him there or at an
earher stage of his journey, he must have arranged for the
pubUcation of his little book at the approaching fair not later
than that date. There are very few printer's errors except in
proper names and in the technical terms of navigation; but
the mistakes in these make it certain that Rabelais did not
himself see the book through the press.

M. Romier's contention may be supported by another con-
sideration. Rabelais may have returned to France and con-
tinued the writing of his book imder the idea that with the
new reign the severe measures against heresy which had
marked the last seven years of the old one would be mitigated.
If so, he was speedily undeceived. Henri II was more orthodox
and more sincere in his religion than his father, and the three
persons who had the most influence on him, the Constable
de Montmorency, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Diane de
Poitiers, if they differed widely in other respects, were at least
united in a common desire to repress Protestantism. Ac-
cordingly, on October 8, 1547, a second criminal court of the
Paris Parlement, which became known as La Chambre Ardente,
was specially created for the trial of heretics. It began its
work in the following December, and, sitting continuously
till January 1550, passed at least five hundred sentences 2. It
is true that its jurisdiction extended over only a fourth part
of the kingdom, but the provincial Parlements of Rouen,
Toulouse, and Aix were hardly less active. It is, therefore,
highly improbable that after the 8th of October Rabelais
should have taken steps to pubUsh a work which contained,
as M. Romier points out, not only much that is irreverent,
especially in the Prologue, but at least two passages (chapter x)
which he thought it prudent to suppress in the revised edition

' In 1537 he took from fifteen to seventeen days to get to Rome from
Lyons. In 1547, as lie was out of health, he probably travelled more slowly.
^ N. Weiss, La chambre ardente.

THE FOURTH BOOK OF 1548 69

of 1552 (chapters xxii and xxiii) 1. It may be said that Rabelais,
who was leaving France under the protection of Cardinal Du
Bellay, did not run any risk, but at this juncture would any
publisher have given Rabelais anything for his book? For
probably, as M. Romier suggests, Rabelais published his book
in this incomplete form because he was in want of money. As
it was, the publisher and printer, who was certainly Pierre de
Tours, the successor of Juste at Lyons, only gave the place
of publication, but suppressed his own name.

M. Romier's view therefore rests on two converging
probabilities ; but it may be disproved by showing that any
part of the incomplete Fourth Book was written after the first
week of September 1547. Let us then examine its structure.
There is an allusion in chapter ii (= chapter v of 1552 edition)
to the proposed meeting of the Council of Trent for its sixth
session on July 29, 1546. This date was fixed at the fifth session,
which was held on June 16, but on July 18 the meeting was
postponed. The chapter, therefore, must have been written
before Rabelais had heard of the postponement, that is to say,
in June or July 1546. But the book opens with the statement
that Pantagruel put to sea on June 9, and this is possibly an
indication that he began writing the book on that day of the
year 1546 — that is to say, when he was at Metz.

Now it has been pointed out both by W. F. Smith and by
M. Plattard that there are very few references to classical
authors or books of any kind in this instalment of the Fourth
Book. This is true of the first six chapters (= i, v-xii, xvi
of the complete edition), in which Ovid's Fasti, Pliny, Gellius,
'Erasrcms'sAdagia and Apophthegmata, Merlin Cocaye, and the
narratives of Cartier's voyages form the sum total of Rabe-
lais's library. But for the remaining chapters, vii-xi (= xvii-
XXV of the 1552 edition) the list must be increased by the
addition of Valerius Maximus, Suetonius, Aristotle, De Mundo
(translated into Latin by Bude), Virgil, Sallust, Livy, and a
contemporary work, Le Disciple de Pantagruel.

The natural inference is that the first six chapters were
written at Metz, where Rabelais had few books at his com-

* Romier, op. cii. p. 130.

70 RABELAIS AND HENRI II

mand, and the remainder after his return to France in the
summer of 1547. There is no allusion, however, in chapters
vii-xi to any event later than the first week of September.
M. Romier's view, therefore, is not negatived by any internal
evidence ^-

The date of the composition of the rest of the Fourth Book
is a far more complicated one. I will begin by stating
M. Romier's view. He thinks that not enough importance
has been attached to the chronological data given in Rabelais's
letter to Cardinal de ChatiUon. He lays stress on Rabelais's
statements that, in consequence of the caliunny of certain
Cannibals, "plus n'estois delibere en escrire un iota," and
that as a result of the privilege and protection granted him
by Henri II " je mectz la plume au vent." From these he infers
that Rabelais laid down his pen in 1546 and did not take it
up again till the summer of 1551, after his third interview
with Odet de Chatillon.

But we have seen that Rabelais was still writing his book
in the summer of 1547, and surely his words do not imply all
that M. Romier supposes. Rabelais says that he was so
angered and disheartened that he had determined to write
no more, but he does not say that he had kept to his deter-
mination. Then he speaks of the "privilege and particular
protection against the calumniators which Henri II had
granted to the Cardinal on his behalf," referring no doubt to
the official privilege granted by the King at Saint-Germain
in the presence of the Cardinal on August 6, 1550.

But having obtained this privilege why should Rabelais

^ His statement (p. 139) that the partial edition was completed before
the end of 1546 seems a hasty one; nor can I agree with him in thinking
that it was begun in 1544. His argument (p. 125) is that the alteration of
" ahout twelve years" to "about twenty years" which Rabelais made in
chapter v ( =xi of 1552 edition) indicates an interval of eight years between
the original writing of the passage and the revision. But this is too literal
an interpretation. In the first place Rabelais could not have written the
passage before he had finished the Third Book. Secondly, from the date
of his visit to Florence, which was almost certainly in April 1534 (see
v. L. Bourrilly, Leitres icntes d'ltalie par Franpois Rabelais, 1910, pp. 8-9)
to June or July 1546 is just "about twelve years." As for the alteration
made before pubhcation in 1552, twenty must be regarded only as a round
number.

HENRI II AND THE VATICAN 71

have waited nearly a year before taking up his pen? Moreover
would the privilege have been granted, if all that Rabelais had
written of his new book at this time was the already published
instalment? Certainly the usual practice was not to grant
a privilege until a book was nearly completed. There were,
no doubt, exceptions, but, even supposing that Cardinal de
ChatUlon, as the nephew of Montmorency, had considerable
interest with the King, would a privilege on these conditions
have been granted by so orthodox a monarch to a writer so
little orthodox as Rabelais?

The only way to arrive at any sort of conclusion is to con-
sider the date of composition chapter by chapter, or at least
episode by episode.

In his Histoire de la Litterature frangaise classique^
Brunetiere pointed out that Rabelais's satire on the Court
of Rome and on Bishop Homenaz in particular closely reflects
the policy of Henri II, and in my book on Rabelais, adopting
this suggestion, I said "that it is extremely tempting to draw
the inference that the chapters relating to Bishop Homenaz
and the Island of the Papimanes were added in 1551^."
Now the anti- Vatican policy of the French court may be said
to have begun to develop in December 1550, when Ottavio
Famese, Lord of Parma, finding that his uncle. Pope Julius III,
could not protect him against the hostilities of the Imperial
forces, or persuade the Emperor to restore to him Piacenza,
applied for aid to Henri II. But the situation did not become
acute till July 155 1, when diplomatic relations between
France and the Vatican were broken off, and the Pope issued
a brief attacking the French King in violent language (July
26)^- On August 4 Henri II summoned the Papal nuncio,
bade him leave the Court and made a bitter attack on the
Pope. The rupture was now complete.

Already before this the Sorbonne had enunciated the pro-
position that neither the French King nor the Galilean Church
owed any obedience to the Pope, and at a meeting of the

1 p. 120. ' Franfois Rabelais, p. 112.

' See the account of the crisis in M. Romier's admirable Les Origines
poHiiques des Guerres de Religion, 2 vols. 1913, i. 220-296.

72 RABELAIS AND HENRI II

Privy Council, held on the 4th or 5th of August, one of the
Councillors actually proposed that the Galilean Church should
renounce its allegiance to the Pope. It was only the tears of
the Cardinal of Lorraine and his remark, "Sire, I appeal to
your Majesty's conscience," which moved the King to reject
the proposal^.

But though an actual schism was averted the King was
still full of wrath against the Pope, and on September 3 he
issued a "Declaration forbidding money to be sent to Rome
for expediting the conferring of benefices," in which we may
see the direct inspiration of Rabelais's chapter. Comment par
la vertu des Decretales est I'or subtilement tire de France en
Rome^- On the following day, however, the Pope wrote a
conciliatory letter to the King, who answered it on October 5
in similar terms. Before the end of November diplomatic
relations were resumed.

It will be generally agreed that the episode of the Papi-
manes is the result of Rabelais's desire to stand weU with the
King and thus be assured of his protection in the event of
any unpleasantness on the part of the Sorbonne or the Parle-
ment. But M. Romier goes much further than this. He sees
in all the additions made to the Fourth Book in the edition of
1552 a "veritable pamphlet against the Pope and the Roman
Curia," and concludes that they were aU written between the
spring of 1551 after Rabelais's interview with Cardinal de
Chatillon at Saint-Maur and the dehvery of his manuscript
to the printer in the autumn of the same year*.

But many of the additional chapters have nothing to do
with Rome, and there are several others, e.g. the attack upon
Lent, with its pendant, the episode of the Isle Farouche,
which may have occurred to Rabelais independently of the
GaUican crisis. Let us therefore examine the different episodes
in detail and see how far we can determine the date of their
composition.

The episode of the Isle des Papefigues was clearly con-
ceived at the same time as that of the Isle des Papimanes

' Romier, op. cit. i. 258. « 76. n. 269.

' Rev. des itudes rob. x (1908), 140.

DATES OF COMPOSITION OF THE FOURTH BOOK 73

and therefore may be assigned with it to the period of the
greatest tension between France and the Vatican, that is to
say, to July-September 1551.

The completion of the episode of the Macreons (chapters
xxv-xxviii) is doubtless the earliest of the additions, and
was probably written soon after Rabelais's return to France
in November 1549 or at any rate when he first took up his
pen again. I agree with M. Romier that he wrote little at
Rome — not so much because Cardinal Du Bellay's continued
ill-health left him httle leisure, as because it was apparently
not his habit to occupy himself with his book when he was
absent from France in the service of the Cardinal or his
brother.

The episode of the Island of Ruach (chapters xliii and
xliv) has no connexion with what goes immediately before
or after. The only possible indication of date is the reference
to the death of the giant Bringuenarilles of the Island of Tohu,
which has already been mentioned in chapter xvii. It might
be inferred from this that it is one of the earher additions.

The episode of the frozen words, which shows that the
travellers had reached the confines of the Glacial Sea (chapters
Iv, Ivi) gives us no clue as to the date of its composition.

On the other hand, the last five chapters, which include
the approach to the Island of Chaneph (Hypocrisy), the episode
of the calm, and the sighting of the Island of Ganabin, where
they did not land, furnish a tempting indication of date in
the reference to the surprise of the English garrison at Inch-
keith (the Isle of Horses), on June 20, 1549, which Friar John
says took place "this morning." This surely implies that when
Rabelais was writing this passage he thought of Pantagruel's
voyage as happening in the year 1549, though originally he
put it in 1546. We might go on to infer that these five
chapters were written soon after Rabelais's return to France,
and in all probability before March 1550, when peace was
made between France and England, for the two last chapters
are clearly a hit at our country. But in chapter Ixix there is
a reference to "nos gras concilipetes de Chesil" which seems
to point to a later date. The Council of Trent had not met

74 RABELAIS AND HENRI II

since June 2, 1547 — at Bologna — and on September 17, 1549,
it had been prorogued. On November 13, 1550, the new
Pope, Julius III, promulgated a bull summoning the Council
to meet at Trent on May i, 155 1, but before this, in August
1550, Henri II had expressed to the Papal nuncio his dis-
satisfaction with the Pope's intentions and his unwillingness
that the French bishops should take any further part in the
discussions. Would Rabelais have referred to the Council
unless it was a topic of actual interest, and could it have
been such a topic before July or August 1550, when the re-
sumption of its sittings began to be discussed in France? If
M. Romier can explain the reference of Inchkeith, I would
willingly follow him in proposing for these chapters even
so late a date as the latter half of 1551, but they contain
no allusion to the Galilean crisis and they may equally well
have been written a year earlier.

The episode of Messere Gaster (chapters Ivii-lxii) is, as
W. F. Smith has pointed out, probably in part an attack on
the gluttony and hypocrisy of the Roman Cardinals and
priests. It is therefore quite possible to regard it as inspired
to some extent by the Galilean crisis. On the other hand, it
may have suggested itself independently to Rabelais as the
result of his observations at Rome in the household of Cardinal
Du Bellay.

The three episodes of the Island of Tapinois (Sly-land),
over which reigned Quaresmeprenant, of the monstrous
Physest^re or whale, and of the Isle Farouche inhabited
by the Chitterhngs (chapters xxix-xlii) form a continuous
narrative, and therefore in all probability must be of the
same date. The last sentence of chapter xxxii, which there is
no reason to suppose was added later, helps us to determine
that date; for "les demoniacles Calvins, imposteurs de
Geneve; les enraiges Putherbes," is evidently Rabelais's re-
tort to the attacks on him by Gabriel de Puits-Herbault in
1549 ^^^ by Calvin in 1550. Now Calvin's De scandalis, in
which the attack was made, was published at Geneva in Sep-
tember or October 1550 1, so that it could not have come to

1 The dedicatory epistle is dated July lo, 1550 (Calvin's birthday), and

DATES OF COMPOSITION OF THE FOURTH BOOK 75

Rabelais's knowledge before the latter month at the earliest.
We may therefore assign the passage and with it the whole
three episodes to some time between October 1550 and the
autumn of 1551, when the Fourth Book was completed. Like
the last five chapters and like the episode of Messere Gaster,
they may have been inspired by the Gallican crisis or they
may have preceded it. It should be noted that the name
Tapinois or Sly-land is closely akin to that of Chaneph or
H5rpocrisy, the island inhabited by Hypocrites, Paternosterers,
Bigots, and Hermits.

Finally, we come to the chapters which were interpolated
in the edition of 1548, that is to say, the episode of the Island
of Medamothi (chapters ii-iv), and the additions to the episode
of the Catchpoles (the greater part of chapter xii, xiii-xv,
and the opening paragraph of xvi). These additions include an
anecdote about Frangois Villon, which Gaston Paris thinks
may be true in substance, but which M. Champion regards
as founded on mere tradition^.

Chapter ii opens in almost identically the same words as
the Isle Sonante, "Cestuy jour, et les deux subsequens ne
leurs apparut terre ne chose aultre nouvelle. Car aultres foys
avoient are ceste routte." The explanation of this, I suggest,
is that Rabelais, having decided not to include the episode of
the Ringing Island in the Fourth Book, utilised the opening
sentences, first for chapter ii of the incomplete book, and later
for the new chapters, ii and v, of the complete edition.

A tantalising clue is offered to us in the second paragraph
of chapter ii, in which we are told that Pantagruel learnt that
the ruler of the land was King Philophanes, but that he was
absent at that time at the marriage of his brother Philo-
theamon with the Infanta of the kingdom of Engys (eyyv^
= neighbouring). In the Brief ve declaration Rabelais inter-
prets Philophanes as "fond of seeing and being seen," and
Philotheamon as " fond of seeing." M. Lefranc finds in this an
allusion to the marriage of Henri II with Catherine de'

ia a letter dated August 19 of the same year he speaks of the work as
nearing completion (? = publication) .

1 Gaston Paris, Francois Villon, pp. 73-74; P. Champion, Franfois Villon,
2 vols. 1913, II. 250-255.

76 RABELAIS AND HENRI II

Medici in 1533, his elder brother, the then Dauphin, being
spoken of as "the King of that land," because the name
of New France had been given by Verrazzano to the
coast between Florida and Cape Breton^. This idea is put
forward by M. Lefranc with his usual persuasiveness, but the
date seems fatal to it. Rabelais, for all his desire to ingratiate
himself with Henri II, would hardly have connected with the
voyage of Pantagruel an event which happened at least
thirteen years earlier. The only marriage of note which took
place during the years 1546-155 1 was that of Fran9ois de
Guise with Anne d'Este (1548) .

M. Clouzot seems to me to be nearer the mark in identifying
Medamothi with Jean Du Bellay's chateau of Saint-Maur-les-
Fosses^. He finds support for this view in the mention of
"maistre Charles Charmois, peintre du roy Megiste," other-
wise Charles Carmoy who worked at Fontainebleau from 1537
to 1550 and is qualified, in 1547 and 1548, as painter to the
Cardinal Du Bellay*. He was entrusted in 1549 by Phihbert
de L'Orme with the decoration of the chapel at Vincennes,
and in a document dated October 6, 155 1, he is designated as
painter to Diane de Poitiers*. We are told that Friar John
bought two "rare and precious pictures" by this artist, one
of which was the portrait of a valet looking for his master,
and the same picture is again referred to in a passage which
occurs in the MS. of the Fifth Book (end of chapter xxvi), but
not in the printed text. M. Clouzot supposes that Carmoy was
employed at Saint-Maur under De L'Orme. This is highly
probable, but his further supposition that the two pictures by
Carmoy mentioned by Rabelais, the grand tableau of Philo-
mela and Procne, the tapestry of the deeds of Achilles, the
three "unicorns" and the tarande, all formed part of the
Cardinal's collections is much more conjectural.

The Cardinal left Rome after the conclave of Julius III on
July 19, 1550, and was detained by illness at Scarperia in
the Apennines till the end of the month. By September he
must have reached Paris and probably he resided for a time

1 Les Navigations de Pantagruel, pp. 287 flf.

^ Rev. des Uudes rab. ix (1911), 456 ff.

3 lb. vm (1910), 113 flf. « Maurice Roy, 16. ix (1911), 77 flf.

DATES OF COMPOSITION OF THE FOURTH BOOK ^^

in his unfinished palace of Saint-Maur. He was certainly
there in the spring of 1551, completing his convalescence 1.
Did he spend the winter there, or did he carry out the inten-
tion which he announced in a letter written on August 15,
1550, of wintering at his see of Le Mans^? Wherever he was,
it is a likely conjecture that his physician, Rabelais, was with
him, and a reference to Philibert de L'Orme in chapter Ixi
of the Fourth Book furnishes a presumption that the episode
of Messere Gaster at any rate was written in that "paradise
of salubrity," the chateau of Saint-Maur. It is also possible
that Rabelais may have gone there almost immediately after
his return to France in November 1549.

M. Clouzot sees in the mention of the "great and solemn
fairs of the place" a reference to the important fair of Saint-
Maur, which opened on the 23rd of June, and that of the
absence of the lord of the island by the fact that Cardinal
Du Bellay was still at Rome on that day of the year 1550^.
But he was also at Rome in June 1548 and 1549.

With regard to Rabelais's conception of the date of Panta-
gruel's voyage we are met by two perplexing passages which
occur in the episodes of the Isle de Tapinois and the Isle
Farouche. Thus, while in chapter xxix Xenomanes is repre-
sented as saying that "he passed by Tapinois six years ago,"
in chapter xxxv he says that it was about /om^ years ago. At
first sight it would seem possible to explain this discrepancy,
not as a mere slip, but by the fact that Rabelais wrote one
chapter two years before the other. But the two episodes are
so intimately connected that it is almost impossible to regard
them as having been written at different times.

Now it was in April of the year 1542 that Jean Alfonse
(? = Xenomanes) set sail with Roberval from La Rochelle,
and on the 8th of June that he reached Newfoundland. In
the following September he returned to France with two of
Roberval's ships under orders to bring back a new convoy
and fresh provisions for the colony of Charlesbourg Royal*.

^ L. Romier, ih. x. 139.

* H. Clouzot, ih. IX. 457.
» Ih. p. 459.

* La Roncifere, op. cit. pp. 324 and 327; and see above, p. 43.

78 RABELAIS AND HENRI II

In the event, however, it was Cartier and not Jean Alf onse who
acted as pilot to the reUef expedition. Thus Jean Alfonse's last
visit to the New World ended in September 1542, and, if Xeno-
manes stands for Jean Alf onse, ' ' about four years ago ' ' would
imply that Rabelais in chapter xxxv still conceives of Panta-
gruel's expedition as taking place in 1546. But in chapter xxix
Xenomanes refers to his last visit to Tapinois as taking
place six years ago, and this, unless it is a pure slip, would
put Pantagruel's voyage in 1548. But the identification of
Xenomanes with Jean Alfonse is not universally accepted,
and when Rabelais was writing the last chapter of the book
he shows by his reference to the affair at Inchkeith that he
regarded the voyage as taking place in 1549. Evidently his
conception of the date was a variable one, as indeed was
natural for an imaginary event, the narration of which
occupied him for more than five years.

But to return to M. Romier's view, that all the additions
to the Fourth Book were written between the spring and the
autumn of 1551, my analysis of them chapter by chapter, or
rather episode by episode, suggests that only chapters xlv-liv
and probably chapter ii can be assigned with any confidence
to that period ; that chapters xxv-xxviii and xhii, xliv are as
early as 1550 ; that chapters xxix-xhi may have been written
at any time between October 1550 and the autumn of 1551;
that chapters Ixiii-lxvii belong either to 1550 or 1551, and
more probably to the earlier year; that there is nothing to
indicate the date of chapters Iv, Ivi and Ivii-lxii except that
the latter chapters, which contain the episode of MessereGaster,
may have been inspired by the Galhcan crisis and were there-
fore written between July and October 155 1.

But though one may not be prepared to accept M. Romier's
thesis in its entirety, it is clear that Rabelais made im-
portant additions to his Fourth Book in furtherance of
Henri II's anti- Vatican poHcy. How far this was inspired by
his own undoubted dislike of the Roman Curia, and how far
it was an attempt to win the King's favour as a protection
against the Sorbonne, it is impossible to say. But there can
be no doubt that Rabelais endeavoured to make his new

RAMBERGES 79

book acceptable to the King by introducing passages of
delicate flattery. He refers to him twice as le rot megisie
(greatest king) and once, in a passage interpolated in
chapter v, as King Obeb^, a Hebrew word which signifies
"lover."

Again, when he tells us in chapter ii that Pantagruel
bought the Life and Deeds of Achilles in 78 pieces of tapestry,
he is certainly paying a compliment to the atelier for tapestry
which Henri II founded in the Hospital of the Trinity at
Paris. But the most interesting instance of this kind of com-
pliment is an interpolation which Rabelais made in the first
chapter. The passage ran originally, "le nombre des navires
feut tel que vous ay expose ou tiers livre," but in the edition
of 1552 we have this addition: "en conserve des Triremes,
Ramberges, Gallions et Liburnicques nombre pareil." By
Triremes we must understand galleys, and by Liburnicques
light cruisers^- The Gallion, or preferably Galion, was properly
speaking a vessel of war which resembled a merchant-ship
in having sails, and a galley in being furnished with oars as
weU as sails and in being longer than a merchantman or round
ship. Its tonnage varied from 60 to 1000 tons. In popular
language, however, the name of gallion was given to any
vessel of war, even to galleys^.

But of the four classes of vessel mentioned by Rabelais the
most interesting is the Ramberge. For the Ramberge played
an important part in the comprehensive programme of naval
construction which Henri II announced in the first year of his
reign (September 13, 1547), and which he carried out with
great energy. In March 1549 ^'^^ large ships of war, built by
the celebrated geographer and saUor, Jean de Glamorgan, left
the Norman dockyards^. In October of the same year the
French King wrote to the King of Navarre: " I hope to pro-
vide for the construction and equipment of twenty roberges
in addition to the ships of war which I possess already*."

^ Ch. de La RonciSre, Histoire de la marine frangaise, 11. 461-2.
2 La Roncifere, op. cit. 11. 470; Jal, Dictionnaire nautique.
' La RonciSre, op. cit. in. 455.

* Champollion-Figeac, Melanges histonques, in. 59 (cited by La Roncifere,
"I- 457)-

8o RABELAIS AND HENRI II

The roberges were to be ready by the spring of 1550, and
were to be constructed at Dieppe, Rouen, Brest, Saint-Malo,
and Bordeaux^. These roberges or ramberges (also written
remberges) took their name from the Enghsh rowbarges, which
in the naval engagement off the Isle of Wight in 1545 had so
greatly galled the French fleet by the superiority of their
fire^ (Plate 11) . They were long in proportion to their beam and
extremely handy. The French roberges were very much larger
than the English ones, varying from 80 to 100 tons as against
an uniform displacement of 20 tons^.

The merchant-ships which carried Pantagruel and his
friends were twelve in number; the escort therefore consisted
of twelve galleys, twelve rowbarges, twelve gafo'ows, and twelve
cruisers, or forty-eight vessels in all. This may be compared
with the actual fleet of Henri II, which in about 1550 consisted
of forty galleys, twenty rowbarges, eight great ships and three
galions. Naturally after Pantagruel's fleet had set sail we hear
nothing more of the escort. The ships of war would have been
out of place in the arctic seas. Moreover, Rabelais had no more
use for them. He had brought them in solely for the sake of
pa5dng a compliment to the King, on his naval pohcy, just as
he had brought in the tapestry to compHment him on his
encouragement of art.

Rabelais's last bid for his royal master's favour was made
in the Prologue. With great ingenuity he introduced into the
story of the Countr3niian and his Axe a rapid smnmary of
recent poUtical events. Indeed, so rapid is the summary that
it has baffled the commentators, and some of his allusions
have not yet received a satisfactory explication. I wiU discuss
them one by one. It will be remembered that Jupiter is sup-
posed to be speaking.

I. "We have ended the quarrel of Presthan, King of the
Persians, and Sultan Sol5mLian, Emperor of Constantinople."

There is no difficulty here. In two campaigns, of 1548 and
1549, Soliman the Magnificent had defeated the Persians and

1 La RonciSre, op. cit. ni. 457-8.

^ See Du Bellay, Mimoires, bk x (edd. Bourrilly and Vindry, iv. 290).

' Sir J. S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, 1899, i. 37.

PLATE II

S O

W CO

O C"

2
w

w
O .5

o >-

HISTORICAL ALLUSIONS IN THE PROLOGUE 8l

taken from them thirty-two towns. But the quarrel, which
had lasted twenty-two years, was not yet "ended." When
the Fourth Book appeared in January 1552 the news had
just arrived in Europe that the Sophy had retaken Erzeroum.
It was not till May 1555 that a more or less definitive peace
was concluded.

2. "We have closed the passage between the Tartars and
the Muscovites."

This is generally supposed to refer to the capture of Kazan,
but this event did not take place till 1552. Possibly Rabelais
was thinking of the foundation of Sviyashk, about 19 miles to
the west of Kazan. "In 1551," says Soloviev in his History
of Russia, "was founded the fortress of Sviyashk, whence
the Russians began to lay waste the frontiers of Kazan." In
1548 Ivan the Terrible had resolved to subdue the Tartars
and since that year he had undertaken several expeditions
against them^. It may be objected that the foundation of
Sviyashk was anything but a "closing of the passage," but
Rabelais cannot be expected to have understood the real
significance of the step.

3. "We have answered the Cheriph's petition."

This is rather obscure, but obviously the Sherif of Morocco
is meant. At this time there was more or less of an entente
cordiaie between the Sherif and France. On March 15, 1550,
Simon Renard, Charles V's ambassador at Paris, writes to
his master that "the Shareef might undertake some fresh
move against Spain^." On September 10 of the same year
Sir John Mason, our ambassador at Paris, writes to the
Council of Edward VI that "the Sherif had attempted to
surprise Oran, but being chased by Don Bernardine de
Mendoza had gone to Argel (Algiers) to see if he could suc-
ceed better there^." On December 13, 1550, D'Aramon writes
from Constantinople to Henri II that "V. M. tient practique
avec le Sherif de Maroque*."

1 I owe this information about Russian affairs to the kindness of
Mr A. P. Goudy, University Lecturer in Russian.

2 Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, x. 46, and cp. a letter of May 24, 1550.
' State Papers, Foreign, Edward VI, p. 55.

* Ribier, Lettres et Mimoires d'Estat, 11. 193.

T.S.F.R. 6

82 RABELAIS AND HENRI II

4. "We have done the same to that of Guolgots Rays."
The commentators all agree in recognising in Guolgots

Rays the Turkish pirate Dragut Rais^. It is possible, as some
suppose, that Rabelais has purposely altered his name to one
suggestive of Golgotha, but it may be noted that Jean de
Morvilliers, the French ambassador at Venice, calls him suc-
cessively Gargout, Gorgout, and Drogout^. In a dispatch of
March 12, 1550, MorvilUers announces the capture of Africa
(see below) by him.

5. "The affair of Parma is dispatched; so also is that of
Maydenbourg (Magdeburg), of Mirandola, and of Africa."

On November 3, 1551, Magdeburg, after a siege which had
lasted more than a year, capitulated, and six days later
Maurice of Saxony entered the town. He represented his
success as a triumph for the Imperial arms, but for a long
time he had been carrying on secret negotiations with the
King of France, and Magdeburg was to serve him as a base
for his operations.

The case of Parma and La Mirandola presents greater
difficulty. On April 20, 1552, Pope Julius III gave orders to
Ferrante Gonzaga to cease hostilities in the Duchy of Parma,
the County of Mirandola, and on April 29 he signed an
armistice between the Holy See and France*. But this was
after the publication of the Fourth Book. Perhaps Rabelais
had in mind the arrival of the Papal legate on November 28,
1551*, or he may have had information of the King's intention
to negotiate with Julius III. "On December 10," says
M. Romier, "Henri II wrote to the Cardinal of Toumon and
bade him be in readiness to start for Rome."

Africa was the name given by the Christians to the town
of Mah6dia or Mehedia — a name which attests its importance ^-
It was re-captured by Andrea Doria, the Admiral of Charles V,

^ See Brantome, (Euvres, ed. Lalasne, 11. 48-58; S. Lane-Poole, The
Barbary corsairs, 1840, c. xii.

2 E. Charrifere, Nigociations de France dans le Levant, 11. 94-98.

' L. Romier, Les origines politiques des guerres de religion 1 289-200

* lb. p. 285.

' v. Gu6rin, Voyage archiologique dans la r^gence de Tunis, i. 131-144;
C. Tissot, Giographie de la province romaine d'Afrique, n. 176-178; Cagnat
and Saladin, Voyage en Tunisie, pp. 41-45 (with an illustration).

HISTORICAL ALLUSIONS IN THE PROLOGUE 83

on September 8, 1550. Rabelais is wrong in identifying it
with the ancient Aphrodisium, which was situated about
30 miles to the north of Sousse and about five miles from the
sea. The ruins which mark its site are now called Henchir-
Sidi- Khalifa, but formerly Henchir-Phradise, Phradise being
probably a corruption of Aphrodisimni- The only ancient
author who mentions the place is Ptolemy (iii. 3. i).

6. "Tripoli has changed its master through carelessness."

The Sultan Soliman was greatly annoyed at the capture of
Africa, and no sooner had he returned from his expedition
against the Sophy than he began to make preparations for
war on the Emperor. On August 14, 1551, he possessed him-
self of Tripoli, which was held by the Knights of St John. It
was said that D'Aramon, the French ambassador at Con-
stantinople, who had just visited the Ottoman fleet, had
advised the Governor to surrender the town. There was an
outcry that the King of France had betrayed Christianity to
the infidel, and much moved by this accusation Henri II
demanded an explanation from his ambassador. D'Aramon
gave it, and on November 17, 1551, he was completely
exonerated by the Grand Master and the Council of the
Knights of St John^. But the scandal did not die down.
Rabelais, therefore, makes a point of declaring that the sur-
render of Tripoli was due to the carelessness of its defenders.

It will be noticed that the only event mentioned in Rabe-
lais's summary which had nothing to do with French policy
is the "quarrel" between the Russians and the Tartars. All
the other events, except the capture of Africa by Charles V,
were winning strokes in the political game. Soliman was the
French King's ally and Dragut Rais was a vassal of Soliman.
There was an understanding both with the Sherif of Morocco
and with Maurice of Saxony, who was preparing to betray
the Emperor.

Soon after Rabelais had put the finishing touches to his
Prologue the Fourth Book appeared, the printing being

1 Gu^rin, op. cit. i. 313-315; Tissot, op. cit. 11. 163,

^ Ribier, op. cit. pp. 309-310; CharriSre, op. cit. 11. 154-162; Romier,
op. cit. I. 270.

6—2

84 RABELAIS AND HENRI II

finished on January 28, 1552. Alas! all Rabelais's pre-
cautions, his rejection of compromising episodes, his pro-
testations that there was not a word of heresy in the whole
book, his attempts to win the King's favour, availed him
nothing. The book was at once pounced upon and censured
by the Sorbonne, and the Parlement of Paris prohibited its
sale pending the King's pleasure (March i, 1552). Henri II
was on the eve of invading Lorraine; he occupied Toul on
April 13, and Metz on April 28. Rabelais accordingly intro-
duced into his Prologue the epithets "great, victorious, and
triumphant," before the King's name, and reprinted it with
this change. But this last stroke of flattery was no more
successful than the preceding ones. A revised edition of the
Fourth Book appeared in the same year, 1552, but without
name of publisher or place of pubUcation^

Rabelais must at last have reaUsed that Hemi II was a
much more difficult person to placate than the late King.
He took no personal interest in Hterature, and his orthodoxy,
unlike his father's, was sincere, unbending, and intolerant.
Moreover, as I have said, however much Diane de Poitiers,
the Constable de Montmorency, and the Cardinal of Lorraine
might differ in other matters, they were g,t one on the subject
of state-religion.

^ Reueu et corrige pour la seconde edition, 1552. The Prologue contains
the words grand victorieux et triumphant. It was probably printed by
Fezandat, the printer of the first edition. There is a copy in the British.
Museum.

RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK
I

The publication by the Societe des etudes rabelaisiennes
of a reprint of the Isle Sonante, admirably edited by MM. Abel
Lefranc and Jacques Boulenger from the unique copy in the
possession of a private owner, has enabled students for the
first time to make a careful study of the text of this first in-
stalment of the Fifth Book of Pantagruel. It will be recol-
lected that the Isle Sonante appeared in 1562 (between eight
and ten years after Rabelais's death) without either the pub-
lisher's name or the place of publication, and that it professed
to be the continuation of Pantagruel's voyage written by
Rabelais himself. It was followed in 1564 by the publication
of the complete Fifth Book, which also professed to be Rabe-
lais's work. Further, there is a manuscript of the whole book
in the Bibliotheque Nationale; it is written in a sixteenth
century hand which is certainly not Rabelais's. Previous to
the reprint of the Isle Sonante, it might have been supposed
— ^in fact, I did so suppose — that this MS. represented the
oldest form of the text. But M. Boulenger in his excellent
introduction to the reprint has made it clear that it really
represents a stage intermediate between the Isle Sonante and
the text of 1564.

Before proceeding to a detailed examination of the Isle
Sonante it will be well to point out with the help of
M. Boulenger's guidance the characteristics of the three texts.

Isle Sonante

1. The pimctuation is very faulty, with the result that in
many places the text becomes absolute nonsense.

2. "The text," says M. Boulenger, "is disfigured with
printer's errors." This is true, but it should be added that the
great majority of the errors are in proper names, or in technical

86 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

terms, or in words taken from Latin or Greek. Mistakes in
ordinary words are not very numerous, though when they
occur they are extremely stupid. The most glaring are rouchee
for conchie (chapter v), manifreque for magnifique (chapter v),
trimballe element for trihallement (chapter vii), mouoir for
manoir (chapter x), tharus for thaons (chapter xii), ains for
ame (chapter xiii), relonie for colonie (chapter xvi). All of these
are of course due to inability to decipher the manuscript.

3. There are certain incoherences in the language. For
instance, II est, dist Epistemon Auriste en preterit plus que
parfait des Grecs et des Latins en temps garre et bigarre receu
(chap, i), which gives no sense as it stands, and which is
scarcely intelligible, even when it has been corrected into
Aorist yssu en Preterit tres imparfait (MS.), or Aorist yssu de
preterit (1564). M. Boulenger gives another instance from the
first paragraph of chap, iv: lis. ..nous viennent de I' autre monde
part d'une contree...part d'une autre.... De ces deux contrees
auons aboutees. Ces clerczgaulx id nous viennent laissans pere
et mere. There is clearly something wrong here. Accordingly
in the MS. the last part is altered to : De ces deux contrees tous
les ans a boutees (in flocks) ces clergaulx icy nous viennent etc.,
and this is followed by the 1564 text with the addition of an
accent to the a. The substitution of tous les ans for auons is
not very convincing, and it seems more hkely that the simple
correction of aboutees into d boutees should be adopted. In
this case it would merely be an instance of a printer's error.

M. Boulenger infers from these characteristics of the printed
text that the manuscript from which it was printed was care-
lessly punctuated, badly written, and not finally revised; in
fact, a rough copy. And he adduces an even stronger proof
of this conclusion in the following passage from chap, xi:
...attendant que la dedans tombe la fouldre du del et en cendre
les reduise comme autres Cytanes pro. et Ther..., where the
true reading, as we learn from the MS. and the 1564 text, is
Tytanes profanes et theomaches (MS. theomathesy. Clearly, as

* In this and two or three other places M. Boulenger kindly supplied me
with the reading of the MS. as given in Montaiglon's edition, which I do
not possess, and of which there is no copy in the British Museum.

THE ISLE SON ANTE 87

M. Boulenger says, pro. et Ther[o] are not abbreviations intro-
duced by the printer. He must have found them in the manu-
script. While agreeing -with M. Boulenger's view that the
manuscript represented by the Isle Sonante is a rough copy,
I do not believe that the printer had the original draft before
him. It seems to me that the corrupt condition of the printed
text is most reasonably accounted for by the supposition that
it was made from a careless copy of the original draft. Indeed,
I take it that M. Boulenger's theory is not meant to exclude
this hypothesis. It will be convenient for future reference if
I call the original draft A and the hypothetical copy B.

But we may draw another inference from the condition of
the printed text. Whoever the author was, he did not see his
work through the press. The misprints are too numerous and
of too gross a character to make it conceivable that he can
have revised the proofs, even in those days of careless proof-
reading. If the Isle Sonante is the work of a forger, that
forger must have been prevented either by death or by some
other cause from seeing it through the press. For it is difficult
to beheve that anyone who had taken the trouble to produce
the forgery, either with or without the assistance of fragments
left by Rabelais, should have been at no pains to ensure its
being printed with comparative accuracy. We are left to the
conclusion that the Isle Sonante must have been written either
by Rabelais, or by a forger who died before it was printed or
who for some other reason was unable to supervise the printing.

The MS. of the BiBLioxHiguE Nationale

1. It reproduces some intelligent and evidently sound cor-
rections of the text.

2. It leaves blanks in some places where the Isle Sonante
has evidently made a guess.

3. It omits whole lines through carelessness.

4. It sometimes transcribes proper names incorrectly.

As the writing, according to experts, is of the end of the
sixteenth century, the MS. cannot be the original draft of the
revised or second stage of the text. It must be a copy made
by a faithful but unlearned and unintelUgent scribe, I will

88 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

call the missing original of this revised text C. The revision
was evidently the work, not of the author of the Isle Sonante,
but of a later editor.

The Text of 1564

This represents a third stage of the text, the editor of
which, while availing himself of many of the corrections of
the MS., introduces fresh ones. He resorts freely to conjecture
and otherwise treats the text with considerable licence. He
even interpolates a few passages. Many of his conjectures are
demonstrably wrong. The text was presvmiably printed from
a revised copy of C, which I will call D. The following
diagram will make clear my view of the relationship between
our three texts :

MS.

in Bibl.

Nat.

I will now proceed to consider the contents of the Isle
Sonante in detail. It consists of five episodes :

Isle Sonante proper (chapters i-viii).
Isle de Ferremens (chapter ix).
Isle de Cassade (chapter x).
The Chats fourres (chapters xi-xv).
Isle des Apedeftes (chapter xvi).

Isle Sonante
Chapter I
There is a notable difference of reading at the very outset
between our three texts, but I will defer the consideration of
this till later.

COMPARISON OF THE THREE TEXTS 89

Jergueau, Medon. MS. : Jargueau, Mandes (Mantes). 1564:
Tours, Gergeau, Nantes. Jargeau is a little town on the Loire
above Orleans, from which it is distant twelve miles. It is
celebrated in history as the place where the Earl of Suffolk
was besieged by the French under the Maid of Orleans and
after ten days forced to surrender. The mention of it suggests
the authorship of Rabelais, as he was well acquainted with
Orleans and its neighbourhood, while there is no apparent
reason for its being selected by a forger. On the other hand,
a forger might have pitched upon Medon (Meudon), though
one does not see why it should have been altered to either
Mantes (in Normandy) or Nantes, places with which, as far
as we know, Rabelais had no connexion.

au tour du sepulchre en I' isle de Lipare, autour des Arolides.
The MS. has rightly corrected this into I'une des Aeolides.
Autour is doubtless a repetition of the previous au tour, and
may be the slip either of the original author or of a copyist.

tremhlement. MS.: treballement. i$64: triballement.

natif de Glatigny. So MS. 1564: Glenay. Glatigny is the
name of a chateau of the Du Bellay family. Glenay, according
to Des Marets and Rathery, is a village near Chinon, but I
cannot find it on the map.

II est, dit Epistemon Auriste en preterit etc. I have already
referred to this passage, in which there is some evident con-
fusion, suggestive rather of a careless copy than a rough draft.

Beuuons tousiours. Beuuons is evidently a mistake and is
rightly corrected in the MS. to ieunons, which the sense
demands.

Note the inversion in autrement receuz ne serions.

W. F. Smith notes several reminiscences of the Adagia in
this chapter, and two of Servius^.

Chapter II

les transformations de Prague, Itis, Alcione, Alcithoe, An-
tigone, Thibeus et autres, en oyseaulx. Before Proque, which is _
of course a mistake for Progne, the MS. has Nyctimene, which
the printer of the Isle Sonante doubtless omitted. For Alcione

' See Rev. des Hudes rob. vi {1908), 215 fi., and iv (1906), 349 ff.

90 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

the MS. substitutes Alcmene, an unfortunate correction; it
also omits Alcithoe, who was changed by Dionysus into a bat,
and rightly corrects Thibeus into Tereus. These metamor-
phoses are taken some from Servius and some from Ovid.

At the very end of the chapter, the editor of the 1564 text
has added a couple of lines which have been alleged by some
critics as disproving Rabelais's authorship of the whole Fifth
Book, but there is no trace of them either in the Isle Sonanie
or in the MS.

Chapter III

We are here told that it is about 2760 moons since two
Popejays were produced. Now, as W. F. Smith has sug-
gested, this must be taken to refer, not to the beginning of
the Great Schism in 1378, but to the appointment of an anti-
pope in 1328. Reckoning the moon as 28 days, as he does,
this brings us to 1540 or 1541, but taking it as equal to 29^
days it brings us to 1551^.

lis auoient en aduertissement par Robert vbalbrun qui par la
nagueres estoit passe, comment du pais d'aphrique bien tost y
deuoit aduoller une sexte espece lesquels ils nommoient Capu-
tragaulx. For Robert vbalbrun {vb is obviously a printer's sub-
stitute for W) the MS. has Rembert Wabring and the 1564
text Robert Valbringue, but Walbrun or Valbrun is right.
According to Le Duchat the person meant is Jean-Fran9ois
de la Roque, sieur de Roberval, on whom the high-sounding
title of Viceroy of Canada was conferred by Francis I, and who
"passed that way" on his voyage to Canada in 1542 and on
his return in 1543. This is doubtless correct, and, taken in con-
junction with Rabelais's debt to Jacques Cartier and the
probable identification of Xenomanes with Jean Alfonse of
Saintonge^, points strongly to Rabelais's authorship.

The text of 1564 has made nonsense of the passage by

reading en revenant for comment. On the other hand, it rightly

corrects Caputragaulx into Capucingaux. But this reference

. to the Order of Capuchins presents considerable difficulties.

Seeing that it was founded, or rather received the Papal

• For W. F. Smith's views on Book v see Rev. des itudes rob. iv (1906),
235 fi., and Rabelais in his writings, Cambridge, 1918, pp. 99 flE,

COMPARISON OF THE THREE TEXTS 91

confirmation, in 1528, why is Roberval represented as saying in
1542 or 1543 that "the Capuchin jays were soon to fly thither
from Africa"?- As regards the connexion with Africa, I have
no explanation to suggest, but the rest of the sentence may
be an allusion to the fact that the Capuchins, who in conse-
quence of the Protestant heresies of Bernardino de Ochino,
the General of their Order, had been forbidden to preach in
1543, had the privilege restored to them in 1545.

The chapter concludes with a free rendering of the Greek
proverb del <}>epei, ti Aifivrj Kaivov, of which we have a more
literal translation in Gargantua, chapter xvi. See Erasmus,
Adagia, iii. 7. 10.

Chapter IV

The whole of this chapter seems to me to bear the stamp
of Rabelais. The style throughout is his, and the conception
of the two countries called "Breadless-day" and "Too-many-
of-them," which supply the Clerjays, is worthy of him at his
best. But these are matters of individual opinion ; it is more
to the point to note details which suggest Rabelais's author-
ship. For example, the numerous words coined from Greek
origin : apotropMes, linostolies, charisteres, catarates, scythropes
— of most of which the printer of the Isle Sonante has natu-
rally made havoc — and the equally numerous references to
ancient reUgions — to the Vestal Virgins, to Pythagoras, to
Isis, to Oromasis and Ahiimanes — suggest an author of con-
siderable learning^- The mention of the island of Bouchard in
the Vienne near Chinon might be due to a skilful forger, but
when one reads of "the mothers who cannot endure their
children in their houses for nine years, but put a shirt over
their dress and cut a few hairs on the top of their heads,"
one is forcibly reminded of Rabelais, of whom his biographer
Le Roy says that he was made a monk "when he scarcely
attained his tenth year." For he came from the country of
"Too-many-of-them," and his father's property — for the
most part in land — ^was not sufficient to provide for him, as

^ W. F. Smith pointed out to me that Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride,
from which the words coined from the Greek come, was a favourite with
Rabelais.

92 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

well as for his two brothers and his sister. Further, we have
a very characteristic inversion in Lesquels ont cercM pour a
mort ignominieusement mettre, and a reminiscence of Virgil's
malesuada fames in patir malesuade famine, the correction of
the MS. for partir mallesuade de faim. It may be also noted
that at the end of the first sentence several words, je voudrois
bien entendre d'ond vous naissent ces clergaux (1564), which are
necessary to the sense, are omitted in the Isle Sonante.

la fleur de tripolion ou tenation. MS.: tripolion ou. 1564:
tripoleon ou teucrion. A reference to the Hypnerotomachia,
chapter xviii (eight lines from the end), shows that the true
reading is tripolion ou teucrion. Pliny, N.H. xxi. 7. 21, refers
to the change in colour but calls the plant polion, adding that
some call it teuthrion. Oiu: sea-aster is Aster tripolium, but
teucrium is the botanical name for our wood-germander.

Chapter V

The readings of the Isle Sonante, un diametre, instead of
deux diametres, and une ligne perpendiculaire droicte, instead
of une ligne perpendiculaire tombante soubz une ligne droicte,
are, M. Boulenger points out, indications that it is printed
from an unrevised draft. The second mistake, however, may
be due to an omission on the printer's part. Further on we
have not only a Rabelaisian inversion in nous feist par les
Alapthes (read Aliptes) oindre, but additional evidence of an
unrevised draft. For the sense requires faire instead of feist,
a correction which has been made in the 1564 text.

Chapter VI

Atlas et tous les Verones is the characteristic reading of the
Isle Sonante for Aeolus et tous les Veioves. A little further on
the three texts differ in an instructive fashion: De Touraine
tant et tant de bien annuellement nous en vient qu'en sommes tous
resiouis. Nous dist vn jour par cy passant que.... MS.: De
Touraine... nous vient que [blank] nous dist un jour par cy

passant que 1564: De Touraine... nous viennent que nous

fut dit un jour par gens du lieu par cy passans que.... As
M. Boulenger points out, it is evident that the printer of the

COMPARISON OF THE THREE TEXTS 93

Isle Sonante, not being able to decipher the word, evidently a
proper name, has made a random guess, which leaves dist
without a subject. On the other hand, the scribe of the MS.
has conscientiously left a blank, while the 1564 editor, who
had no scruples about adhering to the text, has got out of
the difficulty by altering the sentence.

Ces grosses cloches que voyez pendantes aux tours de leur
caiges. This reading of both the Isle Sonante and the MS. has
been altered by the 1564 editor to pendues autour, but as the
author doubtless has in his mind the campaniles which are
stUl so marked a feature of Rome, the older reading is correct.

The concludiag words of the chapter, gens heureux
Semidieux, pleust au del qu'il ni aduint ainsi, are an in-
accurate quotation from a well-known epigram by Victor
Brodeau. The inaccuracy is more suggestive of Rabelais than
of an imitator, and on the whole it may be said of this chapter
that the imitator, if imitator he be, must have been not only
a man of genius, but a singularly skilful forger.

The reference to the halcyons is from Servius on Georg. i.
399 {dilectae Thetidi alcyones) ^, and Plin. x. 32. 47.

Chapter VII

This contains the famous apologue of the Charger and the
Ass. It seems to me to be told in Rabelais's best manner, and
this impression of Rabelais's authorship is confirmed by
various details. For instance, we have some remarkable in-
versions in ton petit pas avecques moy venir and Par la figue,
respondit I'asne, laquelle un de noz ancestres mangeant mourut
Philemon de rire. And nothing can be more characteristic of
Rabelais's humour than the dignified rebuke which the
charger administers to the ass for addressing him as Monsieur
le Cheval instead of Monsieur le Roussin. " II y a Men mon-
sieur le Roussin pour toy Baudet."

Certain differences between the three texts are deserving of
notice.

Apres auoir Men repeu. MS. and 1564 : Avoir Men beu et Men
repeu. The ellipse of apres is a remarkable peculiarity of

' W. F. Smith in Rev. des Studes rob. iv. 365.

94 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

Rabelais's syntax. It does not occur in the first two books,
but becomes common in the third. It is rarely used by writers
later than Rabelais (see Huguet, Etudes sur le Syntaxe de
Rabelais, pp. 358 ff., A. Lefranc, Les Navigations de Pania-
gruel, p. 190, and the glossary of Marty-Laveaux's edition,
pp. 4^ 43). Probably the cop5dst of the Isle Sonante, ignorant
of this peculiarity, introduced the apres here.

non cibus, sed charitas. MS. : non cibus charitas. 1564: non
zelus sed charitas. See Erasmus, Coll. {'Ixdvo(l>ayia) for the dis-
tinction between zelus and caritas (W. F. S.).

le palefrenier du seigneur de Harenganois. MS.: le palle-
frenier du Seigneur [blank]. 1564: le pallefrenier d'un gentil-
homme.

a I'oree d'un buissonnet. So the MS., but the 1564 text has
a I' ombre, which is correct; the words are the first line of a
popular chanson. Rabelais no doubt wrote a I'oree.

un trongon de chere lie. 1564: un trongon de bonne chere.
There is no reason for altering lie, which is from Lat. laeta.
La Fontaine has galante de cMre lie and Balzac {La Messe de
I'Athee) trongon de chere lie, as here.

erner. 1564: esrener. Both these are older forms of the
modem ereinter.

plutost que ne sont cuicts (sic) asperges. From Erasmus,
Adag. III. 7. 5.

Chapter VIII

The "two little Cardinjays" by whom Popejay is accom-
panied remind one of the "two little Cardinals," grandsons
of Paul III, of whom Rabelais speaks in one of his letters from
Rome to the Bishop of Maillezais. They had both been made
cardinals by their grandfather in 1534, when they were barely
sixteen. Paul III died in 1550, so that, if he is the Popejay of
this chapter, it must have been written before that date; it
is possible, however, that the writer had no particular Pope
in his mind.

Comme sagement nota Michel de Malisconne. 1564 : Michael
de Matiscones. MS. : Michael de Matisconis. The MS. is doubt-
less right and the reference is probably to some bishop of

COMPARISON OF THE THREE TEXTS 95

Magon. It may be remembered that Charles Hemard, Bishop
of Magon, was French ambassador at Rome when Rabelais
was there in 1535-36. No previous occupant of the see bore
the Christian name of Michael.

Par moyen autre bien chanter vousferay. Note the inversion.

frapper par la mittre. MS.: le myle. 1564: ferir par la
moitie. With the substitution of mitre for mittre the Isle
Sonante is surely right.

frappe serois tu et meurtry : tous roys et princes du monde for
frappe, feris, tue et meurtris tous roys etc. is characteristic of
the nonsense which the Isle Sonante sometimes produces.
For the idea cp. Erasmus, Coll. {Exequiae Seraphicae).

Le quatriesme iour. So the MS. This is clearly right,
though the 1564 edition has altered it to troisiesme.

In the next sentence we find another instructive difference
between the three texts. Lequel il print plus a gre que ne feist
Ataxerxes le verre d'eau froide que lui presenta un paisant en
Scythie. So the Isle Sonante; but for Scythie the MS. leaves
a blank, while the 1564 editor stops short after un paisant.
Now if we turn to Plutarch, Apophth. Reg. et Imp. 172 b, we
read that during one of Artaxerxes Mnemon's journeys a
labouring man having no present to give him took up some
water from the river in his two hands and offered it to him.
But there is no mention of Scythia, nor, so far as our informa-
tion goes, did Artaxerxes ever visit that country. Apparently
our author is citing from memory, for neither Plutarch nor
Erasmus, Apophth. {Artaxerxes, 25) speaks oi a glass of water;
but did he write en Scythie, and, if so, why did the editor of
the text of which the MS. is a copy, leave a blank, and the
1564 editor omit the words altogether? Probably Scythie was
a guess on the part of the printer of the Isle Sonante, and
neither the editor of the revised text nor the 1564 editor could
supply the right word.

Having now examined the chapters which form the episode
of the Isle Sonante, it will be well to pause to take stock of the
results. The following features are all more or less in favour
of Rabelais's authorship.

96 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

1. The incorrectness of the printing, showing the absence
of any supervision on the part of the author.

2. The indications that the author had not finally revised
his manuscript.

3. The reference to Roberval.

4. The numerous illustrations and references derived from
classical antiquity, and in particular, the references to Plu-
tarch, Servius, and Erasmus.

5. The use of bold inversions.

6. The frequent references to Touraine and especially to
the neighbourhood of Chinon.

Of course not a single one of these features is conclusive in
Rabelais 's favour. The author may have been a man of con-
siderable learning, he may have taken or simulated interest
in French voyages of discovery, he may have introduced
references to Rabelais's country with intent to deceive, he
may have imitated his use of inversion, and finally he may
have died or disappeared before he had seen his work through
the press or been able to revise it. But the cmnulative weight
of the evidence certainly points to Rabelais having had at
least a share in the work.

Can we then accept the view which commended itself to
the cautious and experienced judgment of Marty-Laveaux,
that Rabelais's authentic fragments have been worked up by
a later editor? But this does not account for the corrupt
condition of the text of the Isle Sonante, except on the sup-
position that the editor had died or disappeared before he
had completed his task. Absence from France might indeed
have prevented him from seeing his work through the press,
but if he was not in France, how did he become possessed of
Rabelais's manuscripts? And why did he send his work to
the printer in the form of a rough draft?

On the whole, then, the theory that Rabelais is the author
of the whole of the Isle Sonante certainly presents the fewest
difficulties.

Let us now return to the puzzling difference between our
three texts at the beginning of chapter i.

Cestuy tour et les deux aultres subsequens ne leur apparut

COMPARISON OF THE THREE TEXTS 97

terre ou autre chose nouvelle; car autrefois auoyent erre {arrS
= "ploughed") ceste couste. Au quatrieme iour commengans
tournoier le Pole, nous esloignans de V equinoctial nous apper-
ceumes terre: et nous fut did par nostre Pilote que c'esioit I' isle
des Triphes, entendismes un son de loing venant.... MS. : Estant
monies sur mer et navigans par plusieurs iours avec ion vent
entendismes un son etc. 1564 : Continuant nostre routte naui-
gasmes par trois iours sans rien descouurir, au quatriesme aper-
ceusmes terre, et nous fut dit par nostre pillot, que c'estoit I' Isle
Sonnante, et entendismes un bruit de loing venant.

It should be further remarked that in the Isle Sonante there
is no heading to this chapter, while the MS. has Comment avec
le ion Pantagruel montant sur mer fismes scalle en I'isle
Sonnante.

Of these various texts that of 1564 is evidently due to the
invention of the editor. That of the Isle Sonante, as far as
the word equinoctial, is almost identical with the opening
words of chapter ii of the incomplete Fourth Book of 1548,
the only differences being the introduction of aultres after
deux, the substitution of autre chose for chose autre, erre for
arre, and couste for routte, and the omission oipeu a peu before
nous esloignans. Now when Rabelais revised and added to
these opening chapters of the Fourth Book he split up this
passage, putting Cestuy... route at the beginning of his new
chapter ii, and the rest (with the change of quatrieme into
cinquieme) at the beginning of his new chapter v. Did, then,
the copjdst of the Isle Sonante borrow the passage from the
edition of 1548 or did he combine the two passages of the
1552 edition, re-substituting quatrieme for cinquieme} I very
much doubt whether he had intelligence enough for the latter
operation. A third alternative remains, that he found them
in Rabelais's rough draft.

The reading of the MS. is clearly original and not invented,
for as a continuation of Book iv it is inappropriate, Pantagruel
and his companions being at sea when that book closes. If,
then, the text of the Isle Sonante is also original we must sup-
pose that Rabelais at some time substituted the reading of
the MS. for that of the Isle Sonante and transferred the latter

98 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

to chapter ii of the Fourth Book of 1548. According to this
view the Isle Sonante was written before the Fourth Book
— ^but after the Third Book.

W. F. Smith, however, laying stress on the 2760 moons of
chapter iii, thinks Rabelais wrote it at Turin between 1540
and 1542. The objection to this view is that the mention of
a future voyage at the end of Book 11 is so casual that it is
impossible to suppose that nearly ten years later he could
have begun his account of it either with the reading of the
Isle Sonante or with that of the MS.

My method of calculating the moons gives the year as 1551,
and it is a fair supposition that the Isle Sonante was inspired
by the GaUican crisis, but that Rabelais ultimately rejected
it as containing too much dangerous matter and substituted
for it the two episodes of the Papefigues and the Papimanes.
This has something in its favour, but it is inconsistent with
the idea that the editor of the Isle Sonante found the opening
passage in Rabelais's draft.

The only way of reconciling these two conflicting views is
to suppose that Rabelais wrote the episode in 1546, and that
he then gave the number of moons as 2700; that five years
later he again thought of using the episode and increased the
number of moons to 2760; and that finally he rejected it
altogether, at any rate for use in the Fourth Book.

It may be added that the date of 1546 does not conflict with
the reference to the Capuchins in chapter iii or with that to
the "two little Car din jays " in chapter viii, so far as they fur-
nish any indication of date. But the whole question of when
the Isle Sonante was written is a very compUcated one, and
I have nothing but conjectures to offer for its solution.

Of one thing I am convinced, that it was written by Rabelaiis.

Isle des Ferremens

Chapter IX

This short episode of the Island of Tools forms the subject

of chapter ix. It is decidedly dull, but that is no reason for

rejecting Rabelais's authorship. The germ of the idea is to

be found in a few lines of chapter xxiv of Le Disciple de Panta-

COMPARISON OF THE THREE TEXTS 99

gruel which correspond fairly closely to the sentence Autres
portans daguenets...cousteaux of the Isle Sonante. This in itself
is in favour of Rabelais's authorship, for he is indebted to this
chap-book, the origin of which is still an unsolved problem,
for certain ideas which furnish matter for the Fourth Book
(pays Lanternois, isle Farouche and the Andouilles, death of
Bringuenarilles). Marty-La veaux takes exception to the
phrase saboure I'estomac as borrowed from an earlier book,
but as Rabelais has used it not only once but twice, there is
no reason why he should not have used it a third time. Smith
refers to Adagia, iii. 7. 57, where Erasmus cites Plant.
Cistellaria, i. 2. 2, as using saburratus = cibo onustus.

The three texts show certain differences in the Usts of
implements, and the Isle Sonante naturally makes nonsense
of some of the words. But the most instructive difference is
in the last word, which the Isle Sonante writes brauete, the
MS. bragguete, and the 1564 text manUre. The last reading is
palpably wrong, as it misses the point completely, and there
is no doubt that the true reading is brayette, an older form of
braguette, which is correctly given by the Isle Sonante in
chaptej: xi.

Isle de Cassade

Chapter X

The first thing to be noticed is that at the beginning of the
chapter the 1564 editor has introduced the words Delaissans
I'isle des Ferrements, continuasmes nostre chemin in order to
connect this episode with the preceding one. But neither in
the MS., which begins with Le jour ensuivant, nor in the Isle
Sonante, which has Le tiers iour subsequent, is there any trace
of this connexion. The Island of Cheating is hardly more
interesting or more productive of action than that of Tools.
The account of it is at first a satire on the superstitious practices
of gamblers, and then breaks off into ridicule of relics. A short
passage is borrowed from Plutarch's treatise Ow I sis and Osiris,
a favourite, as we have seen, with Rabelais, and there are
references to the Florentine manuscript of the Pandects, and
to the handkerchief of St Veronica in St Peter's at Rome,

7—2

100 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

which point to the authorship of some one who had visited
these places. From the same treatise of Plutarch comes also
Apollo par as, Diane par deux, Minerve par sept. The follow-
ing mistakes of the Isle Sonante are worth noticing: Scyttes
for Syrtes, pendettes for pandectes.

Les Chats fourres
Chapter XI

Here again the 1564 editor has introduced a phrase, Voulut
vendre a un serrargent des chapeaux de Cassade, in order to
connect this chapter with the preceding one, substituting it
for auoit bastu un {le MS.) chicanoux passant procuration of the
Isle Sonante and the MS. Again also we are puzzled by a
difference between the three texts at the outset :

Isle Sonante : Ay ant auttrefois eu procuration la laissames et
passasmes condemnation;

MS.: De Id passasmes condemnation;

1564: Quelques iours apres, ayant failly plusieurs fois a fair e
naufrage, nous passasmes, etc.

Thus it appears that in the original text there is a reference
to the beating of the Chiquanous by Brother John which is
recounted in iv. xvi, and further that the travellers are repre-
sented as sailing for the second time by the Island of Procura-
tion inhabited by the Chiquanous (see iv. xii). Leaving this
difficulty for discussion till we reach the end of the episode,
I note that in this chapter occurs the curious reading of the
Isle Sonante, Cytanes pro. et Ther., to which reference has
already been made, and that in the next line es coups endurciz
is clearly right as against des corps endurcis of 1564 and ces
coups advoues of the MS. Further, it may be noticed that the
description of Osiris, to whom Grippeminaud is compared,
is borrowed either from Macrobius or from the Hypneroto-
machia, but with the substitution of Osiris for Serapis.

Chapter XII
The Isle Sonante prints frere Jehan des enlumineures for
frere Jehan des Entommeures, and it omits the words y serez
Men innocentSs, which are found in the MS. and the text of
1564.

COMPARISON OF THE THREE TEXTS loi

Chapter XIII
Bourse monsieur is clearly wrong, but I doubt whether de
cuir of the MS. and the 1564 text is the right correction.
Griphons (last sentence but one), with which the MS. agrees,
is of course right as against gargons (1564). In both this and
the preceding chapter W. F. Smith has noted reminiscences
of Erasmus's Adagia.

Chapter XIV
soixante et huict cohuz barguettes et fregates. Barguettes
should of course be barquettes as in the MS., which gives tabuz
for cohuz. The true reading is doubtless cahutes. The 1564 text
gets out of the difficulty by reading galeres and omits bar-
quettes. It may be noticed that the number of vessels is 68,
which is perhaps a mistake for 78, Rabelais's favourite num-
ber. There is a reference to Xenophon's treatise On Hunting
in Xenophon escriuant estre de la vennerie comme du cheual de
Troye yssus tous bons chefs de guerre, a sentence remarkable
for its bold inversion.

Chapter XV

A long chapter, chiefly composed of a conversation between
Brother John and Panurge, which, though not particularly
amusing, is on the whole characteristic of both these worthies.
Note the inversion in pour en cestuy voyage messe chanter and
the old form of rien nefaire (line 3), which is preserved in the
Isle Sonante and MS. but not in the 1564 text. Note also the
following mistakes : mettre for mettoit (perhaps due to a con-
fusion in the manuscript) ; Thidee for I'hidre ; esse for est-ce ;
calabres oyes de panthile for celebres oyes de Pauthile, Pauthile
or Potille being a village near Chinon. On the other hand,
the Isle Sonante and MS. should be followed in Feste de Saint
Baletrou, which the 1564 editor has heedlessly altered into
faictes. Et sainct hurlu burlu. W. F. Smith pointed out to
me that the reference to Semele and the two passages relating
to the nether world and to Calpe and Abila are all suggested
by the Hypnerotomachia, and with this I agree. The end of the
chapter from Si tost que frere Jehan is omitted in the MS.

102 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

As regards the whole episode, its satire is bitter, even savage,
to the entire exclusion of humour. This is not Rabelais's usual
tone, but it is to be found in some passages of the Ringing
Island. The portrait of Grippeminaud is decidedly powerful
and has left a marked impress on French literature. La
Fontaine, an enthusiastic admirer of Rabelais, borrows the
name for sa MajesU fourree, in the fable of The cat, the weasel,
and the little rabbit. Vauquelin de La Fresnaye, who was
seventeen when Rabelais died, refers to him as the creator of
Grippeminaud, and so does fitienne Tabourot, who was bom
in 1549, quoting in his Bigarrures a passage from chapter xii.

The strongest evidence in favour of Rabelais's authorship
is the use of the Hypnerotomachia. It is also to some extent
in favour of it that the couplet in chapter xi is imitated from
Marot, that the punning use of the word griffon for greffler
(chapter xiii) also occurs in the same poet's En/er, and that
possibly the whole idea of the episode may have been sug-
gested by that poem. It is curious that Grippeminaud's habit
of interlarding all his remarks with the words Or ga, which
becomes very wearisome, also figures in one of Des Periers's
stories (xxi) as a characteristic of the speech of a Paris cure.
These stories were not published till 1558, but Rabelais may
have seen them in manuscript, or the same not very brilUant
idea may have occurred to both writers.

Isle des Apedeftes

This satire on the Chambre des Comptes, which forms the
subject of chapter xvi of the Isle Sonante, is omitted both in
the MS. and in the 1564 text, and was not reprinted tiU 1567,
when it appeared as chapter vii, where it is manifestly out of
place. The reason for the omission is to be found doubtless
in its tediousness and technicality. That the omission was
deliberate may be gathered from the pecuUar numbering
of the chapters which appears in the MS. in this place. For
chapters xv and xvi are numbered respectively 38-15 and
39-16, which seems to denote a special indication that the
chapter on the Apedeftes was to be omitted, and that chapter
xvi — evidently a fragment, the contents of which do not fully

THE ISLE DES APEDEFTES 103

correspond to the heading {Comment nous passasmes outre, et
comment Panurge faillit d'estre tue), for there is not a word
about Panurge nearly being killed — was to follow immediately
after chapter xv. But this omission of chapter xvi of the Isle
Sonante necessitated also the omission of part of chapter xv,
which consequently ends in the MS. and the 1564 text with
the words mains de douze francs. As the text stands in the
Isle Sonante, the episode of the Apedef tes is closely connected
with that of the Furred Cats and follows immediately after
it. M. Boulenger and others seem to have found a difficulty
in the words of Panurge, nous venons du pays des savans,
regarding the term savans as inappropriate to the Furred
Cats, but it surely denotes the contrast between the Criminal
Judges who were "clerks," and the members of the Chambre
des Comptes who were not, and who are therefore here termed
Apedeftes {airaCSevroi). If M. Boulenger's supposition that
this episode has been wrongly inserted here is right, we have
to suppose that the "editor" of the Isle Sonante invented
either the conclusion of chapter xv from si tost que Frere
Jehan, or the opening of chapter xvi, down to prins terre.
This is very unHkely. Moreover the reference to Grippe-
minaud at the close of chapter xvi points to a close con-
nexion between the two episodes.

As regards the authenticity of the chapter, I quite agree
with M. Boulenger that there is no serious reason for not
attributing it to Rabelais. To find in it "contradictions, in-
coherences, and defects of style," as Des Marets and Rathery
do, is to be blinded by prejudice, for, whatever its demerits,
it contains neither contradictions nor incoherences, and the
style, as M. Boulenger says, is very correct. Indeed, though
it has little interest for modem readers, it must have seemed
to Rabelais's contemporaries a powerful and vigorous piece
of satire.

To come to details, a forger might have invented Brother
John's exclamation of Vertus d'Extravagantes with its remi-
niscence of bishop Homenas, and Panurge's oath Par la royne
des Andouilles, but the casual references to Panurge's spec-
tacles and to Epistemon as one who "understood all Ian-

104 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

guages" are touches almost beyond a forger's art. The men-
tion of Lamballe, a town in the neighbourhood of Saint-Malo,
which has already figured in iv. lii, also points to Rabelais,
who evidently knew that part of Brittany.

On the whole the evidence in favour of Rabelais's author-
ship of this episode (apart from its inclusion in the text of
the Isle Sonante) is decidedly strong, and, as it is difficult to
separate it from the Furred Cats, it carries with it a similar
presumption in favour of that episode.

It is a feature common to these two episodes that they read
hke finished work, without the hesitations, the incoherences,
the rough places that we meet with in the three preceding
episodes. It is true that in the account of the Furred Cats
(chapter xi) we come upon that curious abbreviation in the
Isle Sonante which is the strongest testimony to its having
been printed from an unrevised draft, but no other similar
indications occur in these chapters, and it is just worth
noticing that in the very passage where this appears there are
various discrepancies between the Isle Sonante and the other
two texts, both of which have the following additions: ad-
venant; ne recordent; ne veulent; retournons. Retournons,
dis-je, de par Dieu. There is another difference between these
episodes and the preceding ones. In the earUer books it is
not Rabelais's practice to introduce his own personality into
his narrative; throughout the Fourth Book there are not, I
think, more than four instances of the use of the first person
singular. But in the first ten chapters of the Fifth Book the
narrator intervenes no less than nine times, four times in
chapter x, twice in chapter ix, and once each in chapters ii,
V and vi. In the 1564 text there is an additional instance in
chapter vii. It may be said that this is an argument against
the authenticity of these chapters. But Rabelais's rule is not
so absolute as to warrant this inference. I rather infer that
the intrusion of his own personality is a sign that these
chapters had not been worked up into a final artistic shape.
This is almost certainly the case with the episodes of the
Island of Tools and the Island of Cheating (chapters ix and x),
which have not received the impress of dramatic Uf e charac-

THE FURRED CATS 105

teristic of most of Rabelais's finished work. Similar instances
are the episodes of the Island of Odes (chapter xxvi) and the
Island of Satin (chapters xxx, xxxi). The same cannot be said
of chapters ii, v and vi, but in v and vi occur two of the pas-
sages which M. Boulenger has adduced in support of his view
that the Isle Sonante was printed from a rough draft. On the
other hand, in chapters xi-xvi the narrator never intervenes
in his own person.

We are thus led to the conclusion that not only was Rabelais
the author of the episodes of the Furred Cats and the Ape-
deftes but that he had definitely intended to include them in
his narrative. We are met, however, with an apparent diffi-
culty in the very first words of chapter xi. Ay ant autresfois eu
procuration la laissasmes et passasmes condemnation. Why are
the travellers brought back to the coimtry of Procuration,
inhabited by the Chiquanous, which they had already visited
in the early days of the voyage? Evidently this difficulty had
struck the editor of the 1564 text, who has omitted all men-
tion of Procuration. The only explanation that I can suggest
is that the episodes were intended to form part of the account
of the homeward voyage. As M. Lefranc points out, the
travellers were evidently meant to return by the same route,
and, as he also points out, there is nothing to show that the
story is concluded with the Fifth Book. A more natural
conclusion would be the marriage of Panurge and per-
haps also the marriage of Pantagruel. My suggested ex-
planation is of course a mere conjecture, but it may serve
to accentuate the view that, if the Fifth Book is by Rabelais,
it is far from being in the state in which he intended it to
appear.

It remains to consider the date of the composition of these
two episodes. The only help that we get is from the mention
in the chapter on the Apedeftes of the Extravagantes and the
Queen of the Chitterlings, which shows that it must have
been written after the episodes of the Papimanes and the
Isle Farouche. But we have seen that the episode of the
Papimanes was suggested and inspired by the rupture
between Henri II and the Pope in the summer of i55i- The

Io6 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

chapter on the Apedeftes could not, therefore, have been
written until after that date.

Though the episode of the Apedeftes is closely connected
with that of the Furred Cats, it does not necessarily follow
that it was written immediately after it. Rabelais may have
written the episode of the Furred Cats at an earlier date, and
then later on connected it with that of the Apedeftes, by

the sentence, A insi le vent grands rochers, which terminates

chapter xv. Our only clue therefore to its date is the conjec-
ture that it forms part of the narrative of the homeward, and
not of the outward voyage. If it does, then like the episode
of the Apedeftes it belongs to the last year or two of Rabelais's
life. If it does not, then we are free to assign to it any date
between 1546 and Rabelais's death, for Rabelais may have
refrained from including it in the Fourth Book as Ukely to
bring him into difficulties with one of the very bodies whose
animosity he had to fear — the Parlement of Paris.

For this powerful and violent satire is obviously directed
not merely against the general administration of criminal
justice in France, but against the Criminal Court of the Paris
Parlement, and the question has naturally been asked what
had roused Rabelais to such anger and bitterness, so dif-
ferent from his ordinary tone of humorous and not ill-natured
satire. Was it the temporary suspension by the Parlement of
the sale of the Fourth Book? But Des Marets is doubtless
right in sa5dng that the vengeance is out of all proportion to
the grievance. Or was it a later decree (which was evidently
passed, though it has not been preserved) stopping the
pubUcation altogether?

Another suggestion presents itself. Towards the close of
1547 a second Criminal Court was formed for the trial of
heretics. It sat from December 1547 to January 1549, and
again for a time from March 1553, and so thoroughly did it
do its work that it became known as La Chambre Ardente.
Was it the proceedings of this court that stirred Rabelais, the
lover of tolerance, the hater of persecution, to such imusual
but justifiable wrath? In favour of this view I can only point
to two passages in the narrative, one in which it is said that

SUMMARY OF RESULTS 107

the spoliation committed by the Furred Cats "is found good
by all human beings, except the heretics" (chapter xi), and
the other in which Brother John, in answer to Grippeminaud's
imprecation that he may be wedded to a quartan fever,
replies, "Thou wouldst then marry monks? Ho ! ho ! I take
thee for a heretic."

To sum up. The condition of the text of the Isle Sonante
shows {a) that it was printed, at any rate as regards chapters
i-x, from a rough draft, and that even in chapter xi, which
forms part of the two last and closely connected episodes,
there is a distinct proof of the lack of final revision ; (6) that
the proofs were never revised by the author; (c) that of the
five episodes of which it is composed, the last two are con-
tinuous and may have been written at the same time, but
the other three are quite distinct both from one another and
from the last two and may have been written at different
times with no idea of continuity.

On these grounds alone we are, I hold, justified in rejecting
alike the hypothesis of an unscrupulous editor working upon
Rabelais's authentic fragments and that of an out-and-out
forger. And this view finds additional confirmation when we
come to examine the chapters in detail. In every chapter we
find passages which point strongly, though not inevitably, to
Rabelais's authorship, while there is not a single passage in
the text of the Isle Sonante which is demonstrably not by
him. My explanation of the genesis of the work is that some
person made a copy of certain of Rabelais's papers, and put
it in the hands of a printer without attempting to edit them
or taking any further trouble in the matter.

For the rest of the Fifth Book we are left to two texts, the
MS. and the printed text of 1564.

Chapter XVI
As we have seen, the heading of this chapter, Comment nous
passasmes outre, et comment Panurge faillit d'estre tue, does not

I08 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

correspond with its contents, for there is nothing about
Panurge's narrow escape from death. Its style is Uke Rabe-
lais's, and we may probably regard it as the fragment of a
chapter which he intended should follow chapter xiii — Grippe-
minaud says Passez outre — ^but subsequently abandoned
without finishing it.

Le royaume de la Quinte
Chapter XVII

Here we have the account of a second storm, although in
IV. i it is said that the voyagers only encountered one storm
during the outward voyage.

MS.: Les Rats Saint Mahieu. 1564: sainct Maixent. The
MS. is certainly right ; cp. iv. xxv, Les Ratz de Sanmaieu. The
Cap Saint-Matthieu, of which Mahieu is the Breton form, is
near Brest, and is the most western point of France. Saint-
Maixent is a small town in Poitou, mentioned twice else-
where by Rabelais, but it is not on the coast.

MS.: Depuis Chinon jusques d San-Louan. 1564: jusques
d Saulmur. All editors seem to have accepted the latter read-
ing, but Saumur is on the Loire, not on the Vienne. There is
no such place as Saint-Louan, but I suggest that the true
reading is Saint- Junien, which is at the confluence of the
Glane and the Vienne. These two corrections, sainct Maixent
and Saulmur are characteristic of the hasty corrections made
by the 1564 editor whenever he comes to a word which is
outside his limited field of knowledge.

M.S.: Hans Cotiral. 1^64: Henry Cotiral. So in chapter xxix
the MS. has Hans, and the 1564 text Henry, and in both places
the MS. is undoubtedly right (see below).

1564: leurs tabourins de saucisses. MS. : de souisses de saul-
cisses. Cp. IV. xxxviii, "Les Souisses, peuple maintenant hardy
et belliqueux, que savons nous si jadis estoient saulcisses."

1564: revoquez. MS.: remolquez. The latter is right. Re-
molquer is another form of remorquer ; cp. iv. xxi : " Notre nauf
est encaree, comment la remolquerons-nous? " and note that
the word encaree occurs in the heading of this chapter and
that the MS. wrongly reads encroe.

LE ROYAUME DE LA QUINTE 109

There is another reminiscence of the storm in Book iv in
the reference to St Elmo's fire, which, when double, was
called Castor and Pollux and was held to be of good omen.
Cp. IV. xxii, "O, s'^cria Epistemon, je vous commande tons
bien esperer. Je voy 9a Castor a dextre. "

1564: Que laisissions d'orenavent la mer nous guider. MS.:
Que Id... la naufnous guider. The latter is probably right.

Note the inversions in Autre propos ne nous fut loisible avec
eux tenir and laquelle dit Platon avoir par quelques nuicts
ouye dormant, in both of which the order of the words is
highly characteristic of Rabelais.

One cannot regard this chapter as the work of an imitator,
but the storm seems to require explanation. It is possible
that Rabelais wrote the whole episode of the kingdom of
La Quinte before the Fourth Book, and that having laid it
aside he Avrote for the Fourth Book a much longer and fuller
description of a storm. It should be observed that a new
nimibering of the chapters in the MS. begins here; 39-16
(= xvi) is followed by 50-17 (= xvii) and so on to 53-20.

Chapter XVIII

le nomhre...recentement accreu par Scaliger. Scaliger only
speaks of Entelechy in a book which was published in 1557,
four years after Rabelais's death. Either the name of Scaliger
or the whole passage from le nombre to esmouchetez is an
interpolation.

1564 : Et n'y a homme, pour tous taire. MS. : Et n'y a pro-
thonotaire. In the chapter on the Apedeftes and in a letter of
Rabelais to the Bishop of MaiQezais we find the form pro-
tenotaire. The MS. text is probably the correct one.

In the last paragraph but one note that Pantagruel has
become a giant again.

This chapter seems to have been tampered with in more
than one place. Perhaps Rabelais only left it as a fragment.

Chapter XIX
Note the inversion at the beginning of the first sentence.
1564: contrepointe d'allarmes. MS.: De al il vrior. The cor-
rection of 1564 is generally accepted, but why should a little

no RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

cabinet, in which dinner was served, be "lined with alarums,"
and how can a room be lined with alarums?

On did que Jupiter... au monde. The source of this piece of
learning is probably Erasmus, Adag. i. 8. 24 (W. F. S.).

1564: Par mafoy. MS. : Par ma soif. This is a Rabelaisian
touch and no correction was needed.

In one particular the printed text of this chapter is
clearly superior to the MS. and that is in the Hebrew terms
for the officers of the Queen's household and for the strange
foods upon which she dined. This is made clear by M. Sainean
in the first of his learned articles on Rabelais's vocabulary.
Not only does the MS. omit eight words from the first Ust,
but in the second list it gives jarbots in place of jecahots,
which is nearer than jarbots to the Hebrew sekhaloth and
to the form secaboth of two chapters later. It was sug-
gested to M. Sainean by the late distinguished Hebrew and
Arabic scholar, Joseph Halevy, that the list of honourable
titles in the first passage was furnished to the author of the
Fifth Book by a rabbi. More important for my present in-
quiry is M. Sainean's own observation that the Hebrew
element is completely absent from the three first books, that
in the Fourth Book Hebrew names are largely employed for
the geography, and that "this tendency to allegory tmder a
biblical dress is particularly marked in the Fifth Book." This
proves that at any rate the episode of the kingdom of La
Quinte was not written till after the completion of the Third
Book.

Chapter XX

The printed text omits alopex est nomme des Grecs.

1564: Fontaine de jeunesse. MS.: Jo[o]uvence, which is of
course right. This sentence and the remaining nine lines of
the chapter, which contain references to Euripides, Lucian,
the Homeric Hymns, Ovid, and two schohasts, are charac-
teristic of Rabelais. Recuict of the MS. is right; 1564: reteint.
From Cela estoit to Phenix d'Arabie is perhaps an interpo-
lation.

LE ROYAUME DE LA QUINTE III

Chapter XXI

This and the next three chapters are not numbered in the
MS.

Nous en vismes... Atlas. This passage is wanting in the MS.
The expression haulsoient le temps also occurs in iv. Ixv, but it
seems pointless here and the whole passage is unlike Rabelais.

1564: conduictes des guerres. The MS. leaves a blank.

The chapter is probably by Rabelais but with some inter-
polations.

Chapter XXII

I'espreuve de vostre Industrie... ce que f aides. This is an ob-
scurely worded sentence both in the MS. and the printed text,
but the MS. gives the better sense.

MS.: plataine. 1564: platine. The MS. is right; the gift of
a golden plane to Darius is narrated by Herodotus and Pliny.

Chapters XXIII and XXIV

This description of living Chess is taken with considerable
amplification from the Hypnerotomachia. The MS. omits it
and puts the conclusion, Durant lesquelles dances... brisans, at
the end of c. xxi, bu^ the reference to the dances is unin-
telligible without it. Moreover it is careful and finished work,
in fact an admirable example, so far as style goes, of Rabelais
at his best.

The earlier chapters of the episode, on the other hand, are
rough unfinished work, and xx and xxi in particular have
clearly been tampered with. I have already suggested that
this is an episode which Rabelais on second thoughts rejected
perhaps because he felt that the satire on scholastic philo-
sophy was not highly entertaining. I have also suggested
that he came to this decision before writing the account of
the storm which figures in Book iv^. Probably he wrote the
episode, not at Metz, but after his return to France in the
summer of 1547. W. F. Smith thinks that he wrote it soon
after Gargantua, on the ground that only in that book and the

1 See above, p. 109.

112 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

Fifth Book are to be found long extracts from the Hypnero-
tomachia. But this is not a good reason, for Rabelais may
either have copied passages from the work in question into
a notebook, or he may very easily have had opportunities of
consulting it on more than one occasion. It is even possible
that some one of his patrons may have presented him with
a copy. Further, this argument for an early date is gainsaid
both by the style, which shows the inversions and other
characteristics of Rabelais's later style, i.e. from the Third
Book onwards, and by the fact that when he wrote the
episode the idea of the voyage must have been firmly estab-
lished in his mind.

The Island of Odes
Chapter XXV

This interesting chapter, with its original and picturesque
idea of roads which move and so enable travellers to find
themselves at their destination without trouble or fatigue, is
certainly by Rabelais.

There are several places in which the MS. and the printed
text differ, and about ten times out of sixteen the MS. is
almost certainly right. The following are some of the more
striking instances :

MS. : les voyagiers souvent es habitans du pais demandaient.
1564 : servans et, which is nonsense.

MS. : Ce chemin que voyez nasquit d'eau et en eau retournera.
1564 : et s'y en retournera, an inept correction.

MS. : le Chemin ferre de Bourges et le veidz marcher au pas
de Otarde. 1564 : le grand chemin de Bourges et le vy marcher d
pas d'Abbe. Chemin ferre = pa.ved road, is doubtless right,
and so is Otarde. We have the identical phrase in Pant. 11. xi.
I do not know why all editors have accepted the 1564 reading
of Abbe. But whether "bustard " or Abbe is right, the reason
for the slow pace which these words imply is that Bourges
was on the top of a hill. There was a pre-Roman road, after-
wards used in Roman times, from Bourges to Limoges.

MS. : le vert quemin. 1564: le vieux quemin. Quemin is the

THE ISLAND OF ODES I13

Picard form of chemin. Why should not the epithet veri
denote a grass road?

MS.: La Ferriere sus le Mont Cents, creature du roy Artus,
acompaigne d'un grand Ours. 1564: La Ferrare sus le mont
d'un grand Ours. Duchat says that La Ferrate (which is evi-
dently the right reading) was the road from Limoges to Tours
which crossed the mountain of the Grand Ours. But the pic-
turesque comparison of the road to St Jerome which follows
shows that acompaigne must be accepted. Secondly, the
description is far more appropriate to a high Alpine road
than to one between Limoges and Tours. Thirdly, La Ferrate
(= La Ferrata) suggests a road leading to Italy.

In the first line, avoir par deux jours navige, with its ellipse
of apres, is characteristic of Rabelais^.

levees du Nil. This, as Smith points out, is from Coelius
Rhodiginus, an author much used by Rabelais.

The printed text ends at en Egypte, but the MS. has two
additional paragraphs, of which the first relates to King
Panigon — I have already referred to this in paper III ^ — and
the second is practically a repetition of the passage in iv. ii,
relating to the painter Charles Carmoy.

Finally, it should be noted that there is nothing to connect
this episode either with the chapter which precedes it or with
that which follows it.

Les Feeres Fredons

The canvas of this episode of the Quavering Friars is doubt-
less Rabelais's work, but one suspects — and hopes — that
some of its embroidery is by another hand.

Chapter XXVI

The reference to La Quinte points to this chapter having
been written after the episode of Queen Entelechy.

omoplates, os bregmatiques. These anatomical terms suggest
Rabelais.

MS. : la devise de Pontan. 1564: la devise Pontiale. The MS.
is right ; the reference is to the Neapolitan humanist Pontanus,

1 See above, pp. 93 f- " See above, p. 50.

T.S.F.R. °

114 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

who in his dialogue entitled Charon expresses his detestation
of the sound of bells. Cp. Garg. xix, and see n. 48 of Lefranc's
edition.

Much of this chapter is dull and tiresome, but some of its
passages are quite characteristic of Rabelais.

Chapter XXVII

The idea of the monosyllabic answers which the friar makes
to Panurge appears in a versified dialogue printed in 1532
in an edition of Villon's poems, and it was probably a ctuxent
joke in Rabelais's day. Desperiers (d. 1544) has a story
(no. Iviii) in which a monk answers in rh5mied monosyllables,
but his collection of stories did not see the light tUl 1558.

There was a great opportunity here for an irresponsible
editor to try his hand, and he no doubt availed himself of it ;
but the two narrative passages, especially the one at the end
of the chapter, read like Rabelais's work.

MS. : freraille. 1564: ferraille. The MS. is clearly right.

After grands princes the MS. has an additional passage, in
which the unintelligible phrases freres tenps and freres nar-
jorie occur.

Chapter XXVIII

This attack on Lent from the medical point of view is
probably in the main by Rabelais.

MS. : Le feu cure de Jouvert. 1564: le Cure de Jamhet. Feu
is doubtless right, and if Jamhet is the true reading we must
suppose either that Rabelais is speaking of his predecessor
or that he is following the precedent of the title-page of
Book II, where he describes himself as feu M. Alcofribas.

Pays de Satin

This episode is unquestionably by Rabelais; the interest
shown in geographical discovery, the fact that the idea and
name of the country of Satin is taken from the Hypnero-
tomachia, the frequent borrowings from Phny, Aelian, and
Coelius Rhodiginus, all point to his authorship. But the
entire lack of action and the almost entire lack of conversa-
tion, together with the constant use of the first person, sug-

PAYS DE SATIN I15

gest that we have before us a rough draft which Rabelais
had not worked up into an artistic form.

Chapter XXIX

MS. : Hans Clebir. 1564 : Henry Clerberg. There was a rich
German merchant named Hans Kleberger Uving at Lyons.

MS.: Leguge. 1564: Limoges. The true reading is Liguge,
where Rabelais once lived with his friend and patron the
Bishop of Maillezais.

In the lists of animals, some real, some fabulous, our two
texts show, as might be expected, certain differences^. In
some cases the MS. is right, in others the printed text. Thus
Neades (cp. iv. Ixii) and Ophions (Plin. xxx. 52) of the MS.
are right as against Neares and Ophyres of 1564. On the
other hand the 1564 text rightly prints Bylures (Plin. xxx. 4)
for Bulures, Cepes (PUn. viii. 28) for Cabes, Crocutes (hyenas
— see Plin. viii. 30) for Tronites, and Bales (ib.) for Dales.

Lancercules (MS.) and Cucocrutes (1564) are both wrong;
the true reading is probably Leucrocotes, a fabulous animal of
India which was said to be a cross between a lion and a
hyena (see Plin. viii. 30). Orophages (MS.) and Pephages (1564)
are also both wrong, but M. Sainean's conjecture, Pegases (a
bird with a horse's head mentioned in Plin. x. yd), does not
carry conviction, for it does not account for the copjdst's
Orophages.

MS.: Gebes. 1564: Steres. The latter is supposed to be a
truncated form of Presteres (PUn. xxxii. 67), a species of snake.

Finally, one animal which appears in the MS. is omitted
altogether in the printed text; this is Haloes = Elands (Plin.
VIII. 16).

Rabelais's principal source for all these animals is Pliny,
and chiefly his eighth book. But he has also made use of
Aelian, from whom he borrowed the account of the traiaed
elephants at Rome in the time of Germanicus {De anim. nat.
II. 11), and one or two other particulars. I owe this informa-
tion to W. F. Smith, who also suggested as a possible source

1 See for what follows L. Sainean in Revue du seizUme sUcle, iii (1915),
210 ff. [L'histoire naturelle dans I'ceuvre de Rabelais).

8—2

Il6 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

Ravisius Textor^ There is a list of birds and another of beasts
in that writer which have a great many names in common
with Rabelais.

Chapter XXX

For the list of travellers and historians see above, p. 36,
where I have pointed out that the MS. in spite of some mis-
takes represents the original text more faithfully than the
edition of 1564.

Pays de Lanternois

Chapters XXXI and XXXII

Here again we have Rabelais beyond a doubt. The first
chapter is very short and possibly unfinished, but the second
is Rabelais at his best. The idea of Lantern-land comes from
Lucian's Vera historia (i. 29), and some particulars are also
taken from this source. But greater use is made of Le
Disciple de Pantagruel, which had been beforehand in bor-
rowing the idea and which devotes three chapters (xiv-xvi)
to its execution.

There are two interesting differences to notice in our two
texts.

Icosimixe {i.e. with twenty wicks), jadis consacree par
Canope fille de Tisias is the reading of the 1564 text, but the
MS. has Critias for Tisias. This is right, but an epigram of
Callimachus shows that the words before Critias should run
a Canope par la fille de, Canope being equivalent to the god
of Canope, i.e. Serapis^-

The Queen of the Lanterns is described in the 1564 text as
vestue de Cristallin vierge, de Touchie, ouvrage damasquin.
MS. has vergd par art de tauchie, et augeminee d ouvrage
damasquin.

M. Clouzot's learned and interesting article in the Revue du
seizieme siecle (iv. 31 ff.) makes it certain that the MS. is sub-
stantially right. Tauchie not touchie is the true spelling, but
augemine{e) should probably be written azemine as in Pant.
(hi. 38, and iv. i), where we have the form azemine = Persian

1 In a letter dated September 7, 1907.

' W. F. Smith in Rev. des Mudes rab. iii. 304.

ORACLE DE LA BOUTEILLE 117

work (from Arabic Adjem = Persian). As to the precise
difference between tauchie, azemine and damascened work I
do not suppose that Rabelais had any very clear idea about
it. M. Clouzot seems to accept vierge as preferable to verge.
But what is the difference between virgin crystal and ordinary
crystal? And does not verge de touchie et azemine d ouvrage
damasquin give a better sense than de tauchie ouvrage damas-
quin?

After chapter xxxiii the MS. has a third chapter on the same
subject, entitled Comment furent les dames lanternes servies a
soupper. It begins with a dull enumeration of dishes, largely
consisting of repetitions from other parts of Rabelais. After
supper there is a dance and there follows a long list of dances,
which differs very little from the similar list in chapter xvi of
Le Disciple de Pantagruel. The chapter ends with the queen
offering the travellers the choice of a lantern for their guide
to the Bottle. They choose the lantern of Pierre Amy, as
"more learned, more wise, more eloquent, more kindly, more
gracious" than any other, and this tribute to Rabelais's old
friend can only be by the hand of Rabelais himself.

Oracle de la Bouteille
Chapters XXXIII-XLVII

We now come to the fifteen chapters which form the con-
cluding episode of the Fifth Book, and I have no hesitation
in recognising them not only as Rabelais's work, but as work
to which, with the single exception of chapter xxxiv, he had
given the final touches, and which he definitely intended to
form part of his great romance.

Chapters xxxiii and xxxv, especially the latter chapter,
have the hvely dramatic form characteristic of Rabelais, and
they read like finished work. Chapter xxxiv, on the other
hand, seems to me to be still in the rough. It may be said
that the glorification of Chinon might be a forger's attempt
to give colour to his forgery, but would anyone except
Rabelais have connected Chinon with Cain, and gravely
spoken of it as the model after which more modern founders

Il8 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

— ^Athene, Alexander, Constantine, Hadrian — gave their
names to the towns they founded or restored?

In chapter xxxiv there is an interesting variant; the MS.
has San Rame, which the printed text corrects to Suresnes.
The true reading is of course San Reme.

Chapters xxxvi, xxxvii and xl are for the most part trans-
lated from the Hypnerotomachia^ and this is a strong argu-
ment in favour of Rabelais's authorship. It is true that one
critic has taken a directly opposite view^ but few who are
well acquainted with Rabelais's methods will agree with him.
Moreover, even more impressive than the borrowings from
this favourite himting-ground of Rabelais are the passages in
which the author deserts it. For instance, at the close of
chapter xxxvii he substitutes for Virgil's Trahit sua quemque
voluntas a hne which Seneca has translated from the Greek
of Cleanthes :

Ducunt volentem fata volentem trahunt,

and for the Greek inscription Ilai' Set iroielv Karh tt)v uvtov
<f>va-i,v the French sentence,

Toutes choses se meuvent k leur fin.

It may be noted that at the beginning of chapter xxxvii the
printed text has Sosistratus, and the MS. Sosus. The latter
reading is confirmed by Plin. xxxvi. 25, 60.

Chapter xxxviii and the first half of xxxbc are mostly
translated from Lucian's Dionysus, but some touches are
borrowed from Jean Le Maire's account of the marriage of
Peleus and Thetis*.

In chapter xxxix the edition of 1564 has vents, paroles, meurs
et les esprits and the MS. vents, echo, les meurs et les esprits. A
reference to Pliny (xxxv. 10) shows that for echo we should
read ethe {ijdrj).

In chapters xli and xlii there is a curious difference in the
arrangement of the matter between the MS. and the 1564 text.
In the latter, the former chapter consists only of a single

^ See W. F. Smith, The Modern Quarterly of Language and Literature
for April, 1899, pp. 286-288.

' H. K. Soltoft-Jenson in Rev. d'hist. Utt. iii. 608 ff.
' See my note in Rev. du seizUme sUcle, 11. 30-33.

PLATE III

ORACLE DE LA BOUTEILLE 119

paragraph, stopping a.t fontaine fantastique. It then begins the
next chapter with Puis commanda estre hanaps...tres volon-
tiers ; car pour plaincUve estoit unefontainefantastique . . . dedans
les limhes Pluto. The MS. aiterfontainefantastique has d'esioffe
...ne songea (as in 1564 text) Dedalus. Les limbe {i.e. the
outer rim), plinthe, etc., and continues the chapter down to
la mer de vostre monde. It then begins the next chapter with
the paragraph Puis commanda... tres voloniiers followed by
Car pleinement (1564, clerement) vous advertir. The headings
of the chapters make it evident that the arrangement of the
MS. is the right one. Further, the words pour plainctive of
1564 are nonsense and the correction of dedans les limbes
Pluto for Dedalus. Les limbe, plinthe shows more ingenuity
than common sense.

In chapter xHi four variants are worth noticing.

(i) The MS. par I' aide de I' art (= Pliny's artis opere) is right
as against the 1564 text's I'art apprendre, which is sheer
nonsense.

(2) The MS. Lullie Pauline, with the change of one letter,
is likewise confirmed by Pliny (ix. 35, 58). She was for a short
time the wife of the Emperor Gains. The 1564 text has
Pompeie Plautine.

(3) 1564: /aits de marguerites fines en I'assiette de trois
angles. MS. fails de murhine, confinez en I'acuitS des troys
angles. The MS. is surely right ; the channels could not have
been made of pearls, but they might have been made of
murrha, if, as some conjecture, that mysterious substance, so
much prized by the ancients, was fluor-spar.

(4) 1564: eau de Nonacris et Derce. MS. eau de Nome et
Derce. Here the MS. reproduces a passage in Hypnero-
tomachia which mentions the fountains of Derce and Nome
as celebrated for their coldness {che non sono Derce et Nome).
Nome may be wrong — ^there were hills called Nomia in
Arcadia — ^but is probably what Rabelais wrote, and it is
difficult to accept Nonacris, a town near the source of the
Styx, as a correction.

In chapter xliii there is nothing that calls for notice, and as
for the four noble and superbly written chapters which

120 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

conclude the book they seem to me to bear beyond the shadow
of a doubt the impress of Rabelais's genius.

The printed text of the final chapter ends differently from
that of the MS. It slightly abbreviates the reference to well-
known philosophers who had chosen friends for their guides,
and it substitutes two short sentences for two or three pages
of the MS., which are of considerable interest and are un-
doubtedly by Rabelais. A comparison with CoeUus Rho-
diginus {Ant. Led. xxiii. 4) justifies the MS.'s account of the
philosophers and their friends.

Almost at the very end there is a passage — irrigu et ver-
doy ant... Mont Caspit — which comes almost straight from the
Hypnerotomachia, and, as W. F. Smith has pointed out, a
reference to that work enables one to correct the blunders of
the copyist. We must substitute Themiscyrie for Thermiscrie,
Taure for Thaure, Indicque for Judaique, Talge for Caliges
and Caspien for Caspit^.

There remains to be considered the Prologue. In the MS.
it comes to an abrupt end after the words encloses entre, while
in the printed text it is carried on for several pages farther.
My personal impression is that none of this additional matter
is by Rabelais, but as for the fragment I am inclined to regard
it as his work — work which he rejected as luisatisfactory.
Had the editor of the text, represented by the MS., written
it, he would not have stopped short in the middle of a sen-
tence — ^unless, indeed, he was seized by a sudden illness
ending in his death. There is nothing to indicate at what date
it was written.

I must now briefly recapitulate the conclusions which seem
to result from this inquiry:

1. The whole of the lie Sonante was written by Rabelais
and was handed over to the printer as he left it.

2. The rest of the Fifth Book (chapter xvi to the end) is in
the main Rabelais's work, but in several of the chapters there
are interpolations, notably in xviii, xx, xxi, xxvi-xxviii.

' Smith, op. cit. p. 285. For the form Indicque cp. the Prologue to Book iii.

CONCLUSIONS 121

3. As, except for a few short sentences, all these inter-
polations are found in the MS. as well as in the printed text
of 1564 they must be due to the editor of the text which I
have called C^, that is to say, to some one who revised and
added to Rabelais's genuine work.

4. But, though the Fifth Book is in the main by Rabelais,
it clearly does not represent his final intentions.

5. Some of the chapters — ^xvi, xxxi, and possibly xviii —
he left unfinished.

6. Other chapters he left in the form of a rough draft
which he had not worked up into an artistic shape. Such are
chapters xi, xxix and xxx (the Country of Satin), and xxxv.

7. The book is composed of eleven episodes : 4 and 5 (the
Furred Cats and the Island of the Apedeftes) and 9, 10 and
II (the Country of Satin, Lantern-land, and the Oracle of the
Bottle) are continuous; i, 2, 3 and 7 — the Ringing Island,
the Island of Tools, the Island of Cassade, and the Island
of Odes — have no connexion either with what goes before or
with what follows after ^; 6 (the Kingdom of La Quinte) has
no connexion with the episode which precedes it; 8 (the
Quavering Friars) is loosely connected with 6 and even more
loosely with 9, the connecting words in the latter case having
very possibly been suppUed by an editor.

8. Of these eleven episodes only the last three, forming
chapters xxix-xlvii, were definitely intended by Rabelais to
form part of a fifth book and of these, as we have seen,
chapter xxxi was unfinished, and chapters xxix, xxx and xxxv
had not been worked up into their final shape.

9. The important episodes of the Ringing Island, the
Furred Cats, and the Apedeftes were rejected by Rabelais
as containing heretical and dangerous matter; the Kingdom
of La Quinte, the Island of Tools, and the Island of Cassade
as dull and uninteresting. The Island of Odes I believe he
meant to retain, but I cannot think that the Quavering
Friars would have commended itself to his final judgment.

1 See above, p. 88.

2 The Island of Cassade was connected with the Island of Tools by the
1564 editor.

122 RABELAIS AND THE FIFTH BOOK

Though for convenience sake I have put the above con-
clusions in a categorical form, they of course only represent
my personal opinions. The evidence upon which I have based
them may have been incorrectly stated, and the inferences
that I have drawn from it may be wrong ones. New facts,
too, may come to light, or some acuter mind may hit upon
a surer method of inquiry. One thing, however, is certain
— it is only by patient investigation, chapter by chapter, of
the Fifth Book that the question of its authenticity can be
finally solved.

HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

In March 1515 Guillaume Bude published the De Asse, the
work which estabhshed his reputation as one of the leading
hiomanists of Europe; in the year 1547 Adrien Toumebus,
known to scholars as Turnebus, was appointed a royal
professor of Greek at Paris. These two dates, which exactly
coincide with the beginning and the end of the reign of
Francis I, serve to mark off that reign as a distinct epoch
in the history of French humanism. Bude was a man of
great learning; Turnebe was a critical scholar. So were Henri
Estienne, Lambin, and Dorat, wHle Vatable and Toussain, who
both died on the same day of 1547, were of the same type as
Bude. This difference of type distinguishes the reign of Francis I
from the succeeding period, which is the golden age of French
scholarship, and which may be said to have lasted from 1547
to 1572. The humanists of the later period were specialists;
they were devoted to some single branch of humanistic
study, history, or jurisprudence, or the critical construction
of classical texts. The men of the reign of Francis I aspired
to the whole domain of classical learning. Rabelais was a
storehouse of erudition; Postel, Du Chastel, and many
others were his equals, if not his superiors, in the extent
and variety of their attainments. Femel, the great medical
writer, was at one time an ardent student of mathematics
and astronomy; his colleague Sylvius (Dubois) was the first
Frenchman to pubhsh a grammar of his native language;
Peletier was a physician, a mathematician, a spelling re-
former, and a poet. But whatever the branches of learning
in which these ardent spirits won distinction, they nearly all
built upon the same foundation, the knowledge of Greek. It

124 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

is this which makes Bude, the "restorer of Greek studies in
France," the dominant figure of this period of humanism.

I have sketched elsewhere^ Bude's career down to 1515,
using as my chief guide the scholarly work of M. Delaruelle^.
Throughout the reign of Louis XII Bude, though one of the
royal secretaries, had, except for two missions to Italy, Uved
in the retirement of his library, translating into Latin four
treatises of Plutarch and writing his Annotations to the Pan-
dects and his De Asse. But in 1518 he began to hanker after
employment at Court* Accordingly, with the view of
"making himself better known" to Francis I, he presented
him with a collection of apophthegms, taken chiefly from
Plutarch, which he had translated into French — for Francis
knew neither Greek nor Latin — and had had copied in a fair
manuscript*. In the course of a verbose preface he exhorts
the King to give encomragement to the revived study of good
literature [bonnes lettres) — ^in other words, of classical Utera-
ture. Bude's offering, which was apparently made at the
beginning of 1519, had the desired effect, and very soon after-
wards he was summoned to Court. In the following year the
publication by Josse Badius of a collection of Bude's letters,
including several written in Greek, definitely estabHshed his
reputation as a Greek scholar, and from this time he was
recognised as sharing with Erasmus the primacy of European
scholarship. A second collection of his letters, also pubhshed
by Badius, followed in 1522, and in the same year he was
appointed to the newly created office of Master of the King's
Ubrary at Fontainebleau and made a Master of Requests.
He now had to follow the Court in its many peregrinations

1 The Dawn of the French Renaissance, pp. 269-278.

2 Guillaume Budi, les origines, les dibuts, les idies mattresses, 1907. For
Bud6's later career see the Latin life by Louis Le Roy, 1541 (N.S.) — a
panegyric rather than a biography — and the modern lives by Rebittfe (1846)
and E. de Bud6 (1884).

' See a letter to Pace of April 27, 1518 {Opera, zvols., Basle [1557J, i. 242 D).

* Bib. de I'Arsenal, 5103, with a miniature which represents the author
presenting his work to the King (a reproduction of this forms the frontis-
piece to M. Delaruelle's book). Seven years after Bud6's death an un-
authorised revision and expansion of this manuscript was printed under
the title of Le livre de I'institution du Prince, Paris, 1547. See Delaruelle,
op. cit. pp. 199-220, and 231-245.

BUDi 125

and before long he was looking back with bitter regret to his
former life of peaceful studyi. In a letter to Christophe de
Longueil (Longolius), written from Romorantin in January
1521, he complains that he is far from his home, without his
books {sine tare, sine libris), and unable to resume his beloved
studies^. Two months later, writing from the same place to
the Itahan humanist, Leonicus^, he explains that he has not
deserted philology, but that he considers it a duty to his
brother humanists to show that a humanist is not unfitted for
an active hfe*. At last, at the beginning of 1525, he was able
to return to his home ^ As a matter of fact, he had three homes
— a hotel in the rue Saint-Martin, and two country-houses in
the neighbourhood of Paris, one at Saint-Maur and the other
at Marly. From this time he ceased to travel with the Court
and only put in an infrequent appearance, when the King was
in Paris or its neighbourhood®. He had a good excuse, for he
had suffered for more than twenty years from a chronic
disease which inflicted on him severe bouts of pain.

As might be expected in a collection of letters the purpose
of which was to establish Bud^'s reputation as a scholar,
several are addressed to the leading humanists of other
nations : to the Italians, Alciati, Egnatius (Giovanni Battista
CipeUi), Leonicus, Sadoleto, and Bembo; to the Swiss,
Zazius and Vadianus (Joachim von Watt); to the English-
men, Linacre, Tunstall, More, Pace, Lupset, and Croke; to his
old friend Janus Lascaris; and, above all, to Erasmus. The
majority of those to Erasmus, twenty- two in number'', belong
to the years 1516-1519; after 1519 there are only seven, the

^ See alettertoViveswritteniu August 1519 (0^. I. 253A); L. Delaruelle,
Repertoire de la Correspondance de Guillaume Budi, 1907, p. 76. This latter
work contains an excellent summary of all Bud^'s extant letters (175 as
against 160 in the Basle edition) arranged in chronological order.

2 Op. I. 308; Delaruelle, p. 129.

' Niccol6 Tomeo of Lonigo.

* Op. I. 333; Delaruelle, p. 137.

* Op. I. 438; Delaruelle, no. 157. In February 1531 (N.S.) Badius pub-
lished a. new edition of Bud^'s letters, comprising all those previously
published, and 37 new ones. This edition is reproduced in the Opera.

' Op. I. 393; Delaruelle, p. 162.

' Eight of these will be found, not among Bud^'s letters, but among those
of Erasmus. See P. S. Allen's monumental edition, 4 vols., Oxford, 1906-
192 1 (in progress).

126 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

latest bearing the date of April 22, 1527. The eariiest ones,
from February 1517 to October 1518, relate to the project,
which Bude and the other French humanists had so much at
heart, of bringing Erasmus to Paris as head of a college for
the study of ancient languages. But Erasmus, though he
coquetted for a time with the offer, which was made by the
King himself, ended by declining it. Four years later (1522),
and again in 1524, the idea of coming to France was broached
by Erasmus himself, but nothing came of it.

As for the proposed college, the idea of which was suggested
by the college founded in 1515 at Louvain by Jerome
Busleiden for the study of the three ancient languages —
Greek, Latin, and Hebrew— the project after the definite
failure to secure Erasmus (October 1518) was for a time
abandoned^. On the death of Maximilian (January 15 19)
Francis I at once began an active candidature for the
Empire. Then, after the election of Charles V, came first
preparation for war, then war, the disaster of Pavia, the
King's captivity, and the renewal of the war, which was only
ended by the Treaty of Cambrai in August 1529^- Moreover,
since 1525, the opposition which the ultra-orthodox party in
the University, headed by the Sorbonne and the College of
Navarre, had from the first shown to the new studies, especi-
ally to Greek, was strengthened and embittered by the
sympathy of the humanists with Reform. In 1525, when
Francis I was in prison at Madrid, Louise of Savoy and
the Chancellor, Du Prat, appointed a commission for the trial
of Lutherans and instituted proceedings against the Meaux
preachers. And, though the King on his return to France in
1526 showed favour to the Reformers, before long the excesses
committed by their more fanatical wing, notably the mutilation
of a favourite statue of the Virgin at Paris (1528), filled many
of the humanists with apprehension, and the King with fury.

1 The whole story is admirably told by M. Abel Lefranc in his Histoire
du College de France, 1893. The Abb6 Goujet's Mdmoire historique et litU-
raire sur le ColUge royal de France, 3 vols. 1758, is full of errors.

' In January 1521, a month before he began hostilities against the
Emperor, Francis announced his intention of founding a college for the
study of Greek. See Lefranc, op. cit. p. 76; and a letter of Bud6 to
Toussain (Delaruelle, Rip. no. 84).

THE ROYAL PROFESSORSHIPS 127

Bude, however, had never forgotten the proposed college.
In September 1529, a month after the Treaty of Cambrai, he
published through Badius his Commentarii Linguae Graecae^,
a species of Greek lexicon, which Erasmus ha,d once or twice
urged him to write. Like all Bude's writings, it is sadly lacking
in method, but its appearance was a notable event in the
history of French scholarship. In the preface, addressed to
the King, he reminds him in very plain language of his
promise to

found a school, a nursery, so to speak, of men of learning. You told
us that you would adorn your capital with such an estabhshment,
and that it should be a centre of learning {/xova-eiov) for the whole of
France. You promised that a magnificent building should be erected,
in which the two languages should be taught.... But now it is said
that you have not kept your promises, and I, who was surety for
their performance, am blamed for the delay. I am laughed at and
treated as a perjurer.

Bude's bold words shortly bore fruit. It is true that there
was no longer any question of a college, much less of a mag-
nificent building which should provide a worthy home for
learning; but before Lady-day 1530 four Royal Professors,
each with a stipend of 200 crowns, were appointed — ^two for
Hebrew and two for Greek. A fifth, for mathematics, was
added a Uttle later. In spite of the opposition of the ob-
scurantist party, headed by Noel Bedier, the new professor-
ships were a great success. Before the end of 1534 ^ Latin
professorship, to which Bedier and his friends especially ob-
jected, was established. The next ten years saw the creation
of a third chair for Greek, a third for Hebrew, a second for
mathematics, one for philosophy and one for medicine,
making eleven in all.

But, before this tale of professorships was completed, Bude,
having seen the accomphshment (up to a certain point) of
his heart's desire, had died on August 22, 1540, in his Paris
hotel. We know little or nothing of his hfe during its last
decade; he apparently hved in comparative retirement, either
at Paris or at one or other of his country-houses. The following
words of Calvin express the verdict of his contemporaries:

1 The best edition is that of Robert Estienne (1548), a magnificent
specimen of typography.

128 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

"Gulielmus Budaeus primum rei literariae decus et columen,
cuius beneficio palmam eruditionis hodie sibivindicatGallia^."

Of the leading humanists who were more or less Bude's
contemporaries, of Deloynes, who died at an advanced age
in 1525, Ruze, Germain de Brie, Nicole Berault, Jean Ruel,
Jean de Pins and a rather younger man, Christophe de
Longueil (Longolius), who died in 1522, I have spoken briefly
in The Dawn of the French Renaissance, but Berault demands
further notice here. I shall also have occasion to mention
Ruel and Jean de Pins.

At the opening of the reign of Francis I, B6rault, who was
then about forty-five, was editing Greek texts for sundry
publishers, and taking a few pupils^. In the year 15 15 he
married the widow of the printer and publisher Jean Barbier,
whose business he carried on for two or three years. He was
then fortimate enough to find a patron in £tienne Poncher,
the Bishop of Paris ^, who took him to England in August
15 18, and to Narbonne and MontpeUier in 15 19* Between
the two missions Berault lectured in the University of Paris
and continued to do so on his return from MontpeUier. At
the same time his few pupils had now developed into a small
"pedagogy" or school, in which, a httle later, Melchior
Wolmar and fitienne Dolet were scholars. Berault also
served the cause of Greek by producing editions of Atha-
nasius (1519) and the Latin-Greek dictionary of Giovanni
Crastone (1521). In 1525 his patron died^ and he found a new
one in the person of Jean d'Orleans, Archbishop of Toulouse,
who exacted from him constant personal service and left him
no leisure for his own studies. His reputation for eloquence
led to his being chosen to write an oration on the Treaty of
Cambrai (1529). The oration was printed, and as on the title-

' Calvin, Op. v. 54.

^ For Nicole Berault see L. Delaruelle in Musie Beige, no. 8 (1909),
pp. 253-312 (a recasting of an earlier article in the Rev. des Bibliotheques,
1902, pp. 420-445); Allen, Erasmi Epist. iii. 503—4.

' See The Dawn of the French Renaissance, p. 198.

* The second mission was to arrange with the ambassadors of Charles V
for the execution of the Treaty of Noyon. Poncher was now Archbishop
of Sens. Bud6 also accompanied the mission,

' The traditional statement that he was tutor to the three Ch&tillon
brothers seems to rest on no authority (Delaruelle, op. cit. p. 277, n. 3).

B^RAULT. THE SECOND GENERATION 129

page he appears with the title of Royal Historian, it may be
assumed that he succeeded Paolo EmUio, who died in May
1529. Then in 1533 Jean d'Orleans died, and B6rault entered
the service of his successor, the sixteen-year-old Cardinal,
Odet de Chatillon. It was even harder work than under his
predecessor, for the young Cardinal was always moving about,
and poor B^rault, who was now past sixty, groaned under the
constant travelling. His literary work, which had greatly
slackened since 1522, entirely ceased, but his name was held
in high honour by the younger generation of humanists. In
1538 he was still in the Cardinal's service, and we learn from
the Bihliotheca of Conrad Gesner that he was ahve in 1545.
By 1555 he was dead.

The first generation of French humanists, that is to say,
the generation of Bude and his contemporaries, had to con-
tend with many obstacles. In their own cormtry there were
no books, few manuscripts, and still fewer teachers; more-
over, there was the constant opposition of the Paris Uni-
versity. It was by unshaken perseverance and untiring study
that Bude and Berault overcame these difficulties. The only
alternative was that adopted by Germain de Brie and Jean
de Pins, to spend several years in Italy.

The second generation of French scholars, men who had
scarcely reached manhood at the time of the accession of
Francis I, found on the whole a much easier task before
them. In the first place they had better teaching; they could
learn Greek in France, without going to Italy or trusting to
the stray visits of foreign scholars. Secondly, thanks to the
energy and Mberality of Bude and one or two others, whose
example was followed by the King, Greek manuscripts,
though not as yet to any great extent, were being collected
and multiplied; and, though few Greek books were as yet
printed in France, they could be imported from beyond the
Alps.

A letter written in 1519 by Bude to his son Dreux, then a
boy of about twelve, puts very forcibly the difference in
opportunity between the two generations. There were now,
he said, abundance of books within the means even of a

T.S.F.R. 9

130 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

poor man, and there was a sufficiency of teachers, whereas in
his youth books were rare and expensive and he had to
fight his way to knowledge almost unaided^. M. Delaruelle
aptly compares this with a similar passage in the famous
letter of Gargantua to Pantagruel, and indeed the resem-
blance is so close that it is easy to accept his suggestion that
Rabelais was inspired by the published letter of the great
scholar whose encouragement of his own studies had been so
precious to him.

Foremost among this younger generation were Danes and
Toussain, the first Royal Professors of Greek. Pierre Danes ^
(1497-1577) was born to success. Of a good and well-to-do
Parisian family, he entered the College of Navarre {circ. 15 12),
which possessed a competent classical teacher in Ohvier of
Lyons. Learning of all kinds came easily to him, and it was
a sign of his high promise that Bude took him as a private
pupil. He soon became proficient both in Latin and Greek,
and he was marked out for one of the new professorships. He
proved a brilUant and successful lecturer, attracting large and
enthusiastic audiences. Among his pupils were Amyot, Dorat,
Jean de Gaigny, and the jurist, Barnabe Brisson. But like
Aleandro twenty years before he preferred a public life to one
of cloistered learning. In 1534 ^^ obtained leave of absence
in order to join his friend Georges de Selve, the French
ambassador at Venice, and in the following year he resigned
his professorship. In 1543 he was sent to the Council of Trent
as one of the French representatives, and in the following year
he delivered a speech before the Council which was much
applauded. Henry II made him tutor to the Dauphin, and
conferred on him the see of Lavaur, in succession to Georges
de Selve. After again representing his country at Trent, he
spent the rest of his long life in his diocese, distinguishing
himself by his disinterestedness and his charity. His pub-
Ushed works were few and unimportant. He was succeeded

* Accedit librorum antiquorum recentiorumque copia vel inopi paxabilis
atque in triviis pene exposita, qui meo tempore rari grandi acre per-
mutabantur (Bud6, Op. i. 285-287; Delaruelle, Rip. no. 31).

2 Launoy, Hist. gymn. Nav. pp. 720-726.

TOUSSAIN. DU MAINE. CHERADAME 131

by Jean Strazel, a Fleming, who had acted as his substitute
during his temporary absence.

Jacques Toussain^ was a very different type of scholar from
his colleague. Though he lacked his briUiance, he had a more
whole-hearted devotion to learning, and as a teacher he was
eminently thorough and helpful. We have an interesting testi-
mony to his merits from Pierre Ramus, who expatiates on the
precision, the clarity, and the completeness with which he
expounded the subtleties of Greek grammar or commented on
a Greek author^. He must have been a httle older than Danes,
for at the beginning of 15 15, when Danes was still a student
at Navarre, he was taking pupils and Badius dedicated to
him the grammar of Raffaelle Maffei of Volterra*. At Paris,
whither he migrated from the neighbourhood of Troyes, he
lived for some years in the house of Louis Ruze, that generous
helper of promising students, receiving Greek lessons from the
great Bude and doing work for Badius. In 1526 he began to
correspond with Erasmus and in the following year to teach
Greek in the University*. In 1529 he was living with
Lodovico Canossa, the Bishop of Bayeux. He died in 1547
leaving the manuscript of a Greek-Latin dictionary, which
was published in 1552. Among his pupils were Tumebe and
Louis Le Roy, and, later, Henri Estienne and Jean-Antoine
de BaJif.

Another scholar, who had had the privilege of being Bude's
pupU, was GuiUaume Du Maine, who became his children's
tutor, and then reader to Margaret of Navarre, and later
tutor to the children of Francis I. Several of Bude's Greek
letters are addressed to him. In 1523 he joined with Jean
Cheradame in editing a new edition of Crastone's dictionary.

Cheradame is described in the Histoire eccUsiastique des
eglises reformes as "homme bien verse tant es lettres He-
braiques que Grecques: combien qu'il fust d'esprit fort leger
et de petit sens^." He gave Greek lectures in the College of

1 See Delaruelle, Rip. p. 33; Lefranc, op. cit. pp. 173-175; Allen, op. cit.
III. 281; H. Omont, Rev. des it.grecs, xvi (1903) 4173.

2 A. Lefranc, op. cit. pp. 174 f. ' Renouard, Badius, iii. 387.

* In the same year he published some notes on Bude's Letters (Badius,
1527 (N.S.); Basle, 1528). ' Ed. Baum and Cunitz, i. 6.

9 — 2

132 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

Lisieux and was in request as an editor of Greek books. His
editions included the three Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes,
Aristotle's De virtutibus et vitiis, and nine plays of Aristo-
phanes (all except iheLysistrata and the Thesmophoriazusae),
the printing of the last work being begun in November
1528 and finished on March 30, 1529 (N.S.). Each play has
a separate title-page and a dedication in Greek, the indi-
viduals thus honoured being John Clerk, Thomas Winter,
Pierre Danes, Jean Le Voyer, Jean de Tartas, Antoine
Lapitheus, Nicole Berault, Jean Ruel, and William Quin (?).
Of these Danes, Berault, and Ruel are already known to us ;
Jean Le Voyer gave Greek lectures in the College of Bur-
gundy, and Jean de Tartas was the progressive head of the
College of Lisieux, where Cheradame lectured. AH I know of
Antoine Lapitheus is that the preliminary matter to an
edition of Seneca's Tragedies, pubhshed by Badius in 1514,
comprises a Latin poem addressed by Gilles de Maizieres,
Rector of the University, to Stephanus and Antonius
Lapitheus. John Clerk, Bishop of Bath and Wells, was
Wolsey's chaplain and agent; he was in Paris in August
1528, and the printing of the Plutus, the play dedicated
to him, was finished on November 19 of that year. Thomas
Winter was Wolsey's natural son; he went to Paris about
1524 with Thomas Lupset as his tutor, and he held many
preferments, including the Deanery of Wells, all of which
he resigned, some in 1528 and the rest in 1529^^. As for
KovCvof, I can only suggest that it represents the Lish
name of Quin.

M. Abel Lefranc is clearly right in his contention that
Cheradame became one of the Royal Professors, for, as he
points out on the title-page of a Greek dictionary edited by
him in 1543, he is described as " Eloquiorum sacronun regium
Lutetiae professorem*." The title of his professorship is an
unfamiUar one, but from a discourse pronounced in 1595 by
Monantheuil, a pupil of Ramus and the first historian of the
Royal College, we learn that it was, as M. Lefranc contends,

' See Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anghcanae.
* Lefranc, op. cit. p. 353.

HUMANISM IN THE UNIVERSITY 133

a Professorship of Greeks. Whether Cheradame was appointed
as successor to Postel, who had to resign his professorship of
Greek, Hebrew,, and Arabic in 1543, is not so certain.

In an official Hst of the professors (in some cases with their
names utterly misspelt) for March 1545 (N. S.) which is given
in Pierre GaUand's life of Pierre Du ChasteP, Cheradame's
name does not appear, so that he must have died or resigned
before that date. The third Greek Professor in this list is
Denis Corone, who was attached for many years to the house-
hold of Cardinal de Toumon. In the dedicatory preface to
the Hieroglyphica of Orus Apollo, printed in 1522 (N.S.), he
is described as "vir utriusque linguae doctissimus'," so that
he was probably born before 1500. The date of his death is
not known.

The lectures of the Royal Professors were given either in
the College of Cambrai, on the east side of the Rue Saint-
Jacques and opposite to the Sorbonne, or in the College of
Treguier, which was separated from it by the narrow Ruelle
de Cambrai, or in the College of Les Trois-fiveques*. For
though the followers of Beda were in a majority in the Uni-
versity, they did not have it all their own way. There had
always existed a feeling of considerable jealousy between the
Faculty of Arts and that of Theology, and this doubtless
helped to dispose those colleges which had few or no theo-
logical professors in favour of the new studies. The Greek
lectures of Le Voyer in the College of Burgundy and of
Cheradame in that of Lisieux have already been mentioned.
The latter, a large coUege occupying a considerable area be-
tween the two southernmost gates of Paris, the Porte Saint-
Jacques and the Porte Saint-Marcel, was, under the en-
lightened rule of Jean de Tartas (1525-1533), very favourable
to the new studies. In the College of Cardinal Lemoine Jean
Bonchamp (Evagrius) was the Greek lecturer and Fran9ois
Vatable the Hebrew lecturer.

1 lb. p. 232. Monantheuil says that his portrait should be in the class-
room of the Greek Professors.

2 Vita Castellani, p. 150, ed. with notes by ifitienne Baluze 1674; Lefranc,
op. cit. p. 163. There is no official list extant between 1538 and 1546.

' Herminjard, op. cit. 1. 71, n.". ^ Lefranc, op. cit. p. 113.

134 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

But the principal home of humanism in the University was
the College of Sainte-Barbe, of which the Portuguese Jacques
de Gouvea and his nephew Andre were successively Prin-
cipals^. Among the professors were the distinguished jurist
and Latin poet, Antoine de Gouvea, brother of Andre, Jacques
de Teyva, another Portuguese, Jacques-Louis d'Estrebay
(Strebaeus), George Buchanan (1529-1532), who has drawn
in his first Elegy a harrowing picture of his experiences ^
Maturin Cordier, Jean Gelida, Jean Fernel, who, while he was
pursuing his medical studies, supported himself by lecturing
on philosophy, mathematics, and astronomy, and Barthelemy
Masson, the future Royal Professor. Among the students at
this time was another future Royal Professor, Guillaume
Postel, who found the means for pursuing his studies by
acting as servant to Gelida, and the ex-soldier Ignatius
Loyola, who, having joined the University at the age of
thirty-five and having, under similar difficulties to those of
Postel, completed his "grammar" course at the College of
Montaigu, was admitted to Sainte-Barbe as a pupil in philo-
sophy (1529) and proceeded in due course to his degrees of
Licentiate (1533) and Master of Arts (1534). In the latter
year Andr6 de Gouvea was succeeded as Principal by his
cousin Jacques, under whose rule the staff was joined by the
eminent Greek scholar, Adrien Tumebe.

The services rendered by Maturin Cordier (1479-1564)' to
the cause of Humanism have often been related, and only a
word or two need be said about them here. For sixteen years
(1514-1530) he taught in various colleges of the University,
and during the last six of these, having given up the class of
rhetoric to which he had lectured with great success, he
devoted himself to the task of instilling pure Latinity into

' See J. Quicherat, Hisioire de Sainte-Barbe, 3 vols. i860. In 1526 the
King of Portugal, John III, founded fifty bursaries in the college for
Portuguese students (Quicherat, p. 127).

" Its title is "Quam misera sit conditio docentium literas humaniores
Lutetiae."

' See GauUieur, op. cit. pp. 96-99; Haag, La France Protestante, 2nd ed.
1884; E. Puech, Maturin Cordier, Montauban, 1896; W. H. Woodward,
Studies in Education, Cambridge, 1906, pp. 154-166.

CORDIER. VATABLE 135

younger boys of the fourth class. He was at that time (1524)
a lecturer in the College of La Marche, and among his pupils
was Calvin^. From 1525 to 1528 he taught at Sainte-Barbe,
and then for two years at Navarre. In 1530 he left Paris for
Nevers, and in 1534 he joined the staff of the new college of
Guienne. He was now a Protestant, having been converted
by his friend Robert Estienne, and in 1535 after the affair of
the Placards his name appeared on the hst of those cited to
appear before the Paris Parlement. In 1537 he accepted
Calvin's pressing invitation to help him with the organisa-
tion of his new college at Geneva, but, after the temporary
defeat of Calvin and his party, in the following year he
migrated to Neuchatel to become head of the college, and
he did not return to Geneva till 1559. He died there in 1564.
The two chief works in which he embodied his teaching
are the De corrupti sermonis emendatione libellus (1530) and
the famous Colloquia, published at Geneva in 1563, which
retained their popularity till the last century.

In the foundation of the Royal Professorships Hebrew
received equal attention with Greek ; the first professors were
Francois Vatable and Agatho Guidacerio. Vatable, whose
real name was Wastebled or Wastabled, was a native of
Picardy^- In 1508 he attended Aleandro's Greek lectures at
Paris, and helped him to prepare, and eventually completed
by himself, an edition of Chrysoloras's Greek grammar. He
probably learnt Hebrew from Augustino Giustiniani, who
came to Paris in 15 16 on the King's invitation and lectured
for five years*. They were the first Hebrew lectures given at
Paris. In 1521 Vatable accompanied Lefevre d'fitaples to
Meaux, and remained there tiU 1524, helping to spread a
knowledge of the Bible. But he belonged to the moderate
group of reformers and in later years his orthodoxy was
beyond suspicion. He had a great reputation as a lecturer,
but his only published work was an edition of the Hebrew

1 Calvin, Opera, ed. Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, xui. 525.

^ For Vatable see Beza, /coMSi ; Goujet, 46.255-256; Teissier, jSloges, 1. 1-4.
For his residence at Meaux see Herminjard, Correspondance des Rdformateurs,
1. 71 n.", lion.*, i8i n.'.

' Echard, Script. Ord. Praed. 11. 96.

136 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

Bible, the first printed in France, with the commentary of
the celebrated thirteenth-century rabbi, David Kimchi,
which he prepared for Robert Estienne^- Notes taken at his
lectures were printed in the margin of the same printer's
Latin Bible of 1545. He was abbot of Bellozane, a benefice
afterwards held by Amyot and by Ronsard. He died March
15, 1547, on the same day as his colleague Toussain.

Vatable's colleague, Guidacerio^ was a Calabrian who had
been Professor of Hebrew at Rome. At the sack of that city
in May 1527 he lost his library, which contained a fine collec-
tion of oriental manuscripts, and very nearly his Hfe. He
was a conscientious professor, and he pubhshed a good many
works, including a Hebrew grammar, but none of them were
of importance. He died in 1540 and was succeeded a year or
two later by Alain Restand de Caligny. In 1531 a third
Hebrew Professor was added in the person of Paolo Paradisi',
a converted Jew, whose real name was Canossa. Like his two
colleagues he was a Greek as well as a Hebrew scholar, and
he taught both languages to Margaret of Navarre. His agree-
able and courtly manners brought him rapidly into favour
at Court, and he was a successful teacher and lecturer. He
was naturalised in 1536 and died in 1549.

Of greater distinction as a Hebrew scholar than either of
these ItaHans was their countryman, the Dominican Sanctes
Pagnini, who came to Lyons in 1525 and died there in 1536.
His Latin translation of the Old Testament, to which he had
given twenty-five years of labour, was pubhshed in 1528 and
his Hebrew-Latin dictionary — Thesaurus Linguae Sacrae —
in 1529, both at Lyons*- Another native Hebraist besides
Vatable was Pierre-Robert Olivetan, the translator of the
Protestant Bible, which was printed at Neuchatel in 1535.
His translation, which was executed too rapidly to be
thorough or accurate, owed a good deal to Pagnini's Latin
version of the Old Testament.

1 4to, 1539-1544; 2nd ed. i6mo, 1544-1546,

^ Lefranc, op. cit. p. 181.

" lb. pp. 179-180.

* Echard, op. cit. 11. 96.

ORONCE FIN^ 137

The first Professor of Mathematics, Oronce Fine^ (i494-
1555). was a native of Briangon in Dauphine. He entered the
College of Navarre and, after completing his studies, lectured
and resided there from 1516 to 1523, or possibly later. The
story of his imprisonment is confirmed by a letter pubhshed
by Herminjard in which, dated January i, 1524, the writer,
Joannes Angelus, says that he visited Fine in prison^- His
offence arose out of his studies in astrology, and it is con-
jectured that he made some indiscreet prediction about the
Queen-Mother. He did much to restore the study of mathe-
matics, which had languished since the time of Lef^vre
d'Ftaples, but he was not a great mathematician. He be-
lieved that he had found a solution to the quadrature of the
circle and to similar fantastic problems^. He is more interesting
as a geographer. Three of his maps have come down to us : a
map of France first published by Simon de Colines in 1525
and frequently reprinted, and two maps of the world, of
which one was pubhshed in 1530 (by Chrestien Wechel) and
the other, larger in size, in 1536*. The earlier of these is
generally found in GaUiot Du Pre's edition of the Novus Orbis
of Simon Gr5aiaeus (1532) ^. In the later one the land explored
by Verrazzano is indicated by the words Terra Francesca,
nuper lustrata. Fine had a great reputation as a lecturer,
but in spite of this and of his many attainments his whole fife
was a constant struggle with poverty.

At the beginning of 1534 the Faculty of Theology, under
the leadership of Noel Bedier, made a determined attack on
the new professors; it took the form of a complaint to the
Paris Parlement against the deUvery of public lectures on the
Holy Scriptures by "simple grammarians or rhetoricians who
had not studied in any faculty." The decision of the Parle-
ment is not known, but it was doubtless in favour of the
Royal Professors, for they continued to lecture, and before

1 L. Gallois, De Orontio Finaeo Gallico geographo, 1890; there is a long
article on him, with a full bibliography, in the Nouv. Biog. Gin.

^ Corr. des riformateurs, 1. 178.

' Montucla, Hist, des matMmatiques , i. 574; M. Cantor, Vorlesungen iibey
Geschichte der Mathematik, 2nd ed., 4 vols., Leipsic, 1894-1908, ii. 375-378.

* See Gallois, op. cit., where all these maps are reproduced.

^ See above, p. 62.

138 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

the end of the year a Latin professorship, to which the ortho-
dox party had especially objected as likely to lead to criticism
of the Vulgate, was established. The first professor was
Barthelemy Masson^ (Latomaeus), a native of Luxembourg
and a friend of Erasmus. As the affair of the Placards had
recently occurred, he was looked on with suspicion as a
countryman of Luther, but he proved to be as zealous for
orthodoxy as Bedier himself. He lectured almost exclusively
on Cicero and published numerous commentaries on his works.
In 1542 he resigned his post, which after being vacant for
three years was filled up by the appointment of Pierre
Galland.

The next new chair was a professorship of Greek, Hebrew,
and Arabic literature, specially created by Francis I in
December 1538 for that remarkable man, Guillaume Postel,
whose early struggles in the pursuit of learning are highly
characteristic of the age^. He was bom in 15 10 in a village
near Barenton in Lower Normandy. At the age of thirteen,
having lost both his parents in childhood, he became a
teacher in a village school. As soon as he had saved a little
money he made his way to Paris, but his money and clothes
having been stolen during his sleep, he was reduced to such
misery that he contracted an illness which kept him in

1 For Masson (1485-1566) see Lefranc, op. cit. 183; Erasmus, O^efa, iii.
1504 and 1508.

^ The notices of Postel by Thevet (Portraits et vies des hommes illustres,
1584), and Du Verdier (BibliotMque frangaise ; Prosopographie, iii. 251—252),
both of whom knew him personally, are of little value. By far the best of
the older accounts are those of Chauffepi§, Noiiveau Dictionnaire historique
et critique, 1753, and Des Billons, Nouveaux iclaircissements sur la vie et les
ouvrages de Guillaume Postel, Li6ge, 1771. See also M. Harrier, Monasterii
regalis S. Martini de campis historia 1637, and Nic^ron, viii. 295-356. The
best modem life is G. Weill's Latin thesis, De G. Postelli vita et indole,
1892, for which the author consulted a manuscript life in the Dijon
Library written by the Abb6 Joly. Lefranc has a good account in his
Histoire du College de France, pp. 284-291, and recently Sir G. Butler has
included a chapter on William Postel, world peace through world power
in his Studies in Statecraft, Cambridge, 1920, with an excellent bibliography
based on the very full one of Des Billons, to which he makes a few additions.
See also £. Picot, Les frangais italianisants au XVI' siicle, 2 vols., 1906, i.
313 ff. Some very curious and apparently little known letters from Postel
to Abraham Ortels, the geographer, are printed in the Epistulae Ortelianae,
ed. Hessels, Cambridge, 1887.

POSTEL 139

hospital for two years. On his recovery he earned some more
money by harvesting, and then entered the College of Sainte-
Barbe, where he supported himself by acting as servant to
the professor Jean Gelida, and by priming him for his lectures
on Aristotle with a translation of Themistius's paraphrases.
He rapidly acquired several languages in addition to Greek
and Latin — Hebrew, which he learnt from Vatable, Spanish
and Portuguese — and his studies embraced physics, mathe-
matics, and geography. Then early in 1535 he went to Con-
stantinople in the suite of the ambassador La Forest^, learnt
various oriental languages, travelled for two years in Egypt
and Asia, and returned to France in 1537^- In 1538 he pub-
lished the alphabets of twelve languages (Hebrew, Chaldaic,
Syriac, Samaritan, Arabic, Ladian, i.e. Ethiopic, Greek,
Coptic, Servian, IIl3nian, i.e. Glagolithic, Armenian, and
Latin), a little treatise on the Hebrew language, and an Arabic
grammar^. In December of the same year he was appointed,
as we have seen. Royal Professor of Greek, Hebrew and
Arabic, and, when the Hebrew Professor, Agatho Guidacerio,
died in 1540 and his estate escheated to the Crown by the
droit d'aubaine, Francis I bestowed it on Postel*. His next
pubUcations were a Descriptio Syriae (1540) ' and De Magis-
tratibus Atheniensium liber singularis (1541), but at the end
of 1543, having become involved in the disgrace of his bene-
factor, the Chancellor GuUlaume Poyet, owing to a chivalrous
but imprudent intercession with the King on his behalf, he
resigned his chair and left France.

It was doubtless before he left France that he published at
Paris a work entitled Quatuor Librorum De Orbis Terrae Con-
cordia, primus^. The remaining three books were published

1 Postellus...ad me venit , salutandum cum profectus est Forestanus
legatus regis ad Turcam (Delaruelle, GuUlaume Budi, p. 275, from Bude's
Adversaria). For the date see E. Charrifere, NSgociations de la France dans
le Levant {Doc. inSd.), 1. 255 fi.

^ Is xi° die octobris domum meam venit me salutatum post reditum suum,
anno 1537 (*.).

^ University Library, Cambridge, Aa. 25. 16 (all bound together in a
single volume).

* Lefranc, op. cit. p. 409.

5 U.L.C., Z. II. 9.

' U.L.C., C. 12. 42". Printed by Pierre Gromors, but without a date.

140 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

at Basle (?) soon afterwards^. This was the first of a series of
works which Postel poured forth throughout the next ten
years in order to expound his views as to the best method of
promoting the unity of mankind. It was a noble dream, but
Postel's exposition of it was rendered hazy by a strong vein
of mysticism, which found expression in strange beliefs, in-
cluding one that a certain Joanna, whom he had met in
a Venice hospital, was a new Eve and an instrument of re-
demption. But this part of Postel's story has been so well
and so sympathetically told by Sir Geoffrey Butler^ that I
need not dwell on it. It is sufficient to say here that he was
absent from Paris for nine years, that in 1544 he was admitted
at Rome to the Society of Jesus on probation, that in the
following year Loyola dismissed him, that in 1547 he had a
dangerous illness at Venice, and, as has been said, met in the
hospital the "new Eve," that in 1549 we hear of him at
Jerusalem, where the Seigneur d' Aramont, French Ambassador
to Turkey, gave him a place on his staff, and that he returned
to Italy in 1551 and to Paris in the following year. But at the
end of 1553 he again set out on his travels, revisited Venice,
was for six months a Royal Professor in the University of
Vienna, spent three years and a half in prison, first at Ravenna
and then at Rome (1556-1559), and finally, after three more
years of wandering, came back to Paris in 1562. Tried before
the Parlement for heresy, he was sentenced to confinement for
three months in the Cluniac monastery of Saint-Martin-les-
Champs. On his release he lectured to large audiences on
geography, for in addition to his other attainments he was a
scientific geographer. But, again showing symptoms of mental
disturbance*, he was removed from the lodgings of Joseph
Scaliger, where he was living, and sent back to the monastery
of St Martin (1563). Here he spent the remainder of his days
in peace and honour, visited by princes and learned men ; but,
if he abandoned his theological errors, he still cherished some

1 U.L.C, G. 9. 14. No place or date, but according to Des Billons printed
at Basle by Oporinus.

^ Op. cit. pp. 45-56.

' Fuit vere stultus, nam alioqui fuisset combustus; il couroit les rues
(Soaligerana altera, p. 193). But ana are not very trustworthy evidence.

PIERRE GILLES 141

of his fantastic theories^. He died in 1581. In spite of the
spirit of insanity, which was for ever lurking on his path, he
was a remarkable man. His knowledge on no subject may-
have been as thorough as that of some of his contemporaries,
but in his passion for learning of every kind, in his restless
curiosity and his love of travel, he is a figure eminently
characteristic of the Renaissance.

When Postel joined the staff of the Seigneur d'Aramont in
1549 he found as members of it Andre Thevet, Pierre Gilles,
and Pierre Belon, all notable travellers, and the two latter of
considerable distinction as naturahsts. Pierre Gilles^ (1490-
1555), like the other men of science of that day, was a good
Greek and Latin scholar, and founded his studies on Aristotle,
Pliny, and Aehan. His chief work, De vi et animalium natura
(1533). is a compilation chiefly from AeUan. His special sub-
ject was ichthyology, and as an investigator into the nature of
fishes he figmres in Rabelais's Pays de Satin (v. 31) in the
company of Aristotle and other Greek writers on natural
history. His great work included a book on Fishes, and before
writing it he made many researches on the shores of the
Mediterranean and the Adriatic. In about 1539 Francis I
sent him on a mission to collect Greek manuscripts and to
write descriptions of Constantinople and other places in the
East^. But his funds ran short, and to obtain a livelihood he
served as a soldier in the expedition of Sol57man the Magnifi-
cent against the Persians*- At last money reached him from
France, and faUing in with D'Aramont at Constantinople he
joined his staff and returned with him to France in 1550.
Soon afterwards he went to Rome, and died there in 1555.

^ See Ms letters to Ortelius written in 1567 and 1579 (Episi. Oriel, i. nos.
19, 20 and 81).

^ According to L. Thuasne, Rev. des biblioMques, xv (1905), 207, n.^,
the proper form of his name is Gylli.

^ See his preface to his De Topographia Constantinopoleos and a letter of
Cardinal d'Armagnac dated January 11, 1547 (N.S.), both cited by L.Delisle,
Cabinet des manuscrits, i. 159. Delisle has only found one oriental MS.
which appears to have been brought to France by Gilles, and he thinks
that his services, as well as those of Postel, in the collection of manuscripts
for the royal library have been greatly exaggerated.

* Epist. Ortel. i. no. 5 (from Gilles to Amyot, according to Ortelius's
endorsement, see above, p. 138, n.^).

142 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

Pierre Belon^ hardly falls within the Umits of this sketch,
being still a comparatively young and unknown man at the
death of Francis I. He was bom in Maine in 15 17, and found
a patron in the bishop of Le Mans, Rene du Bellay, who
enabled him to study medicine at Paris. Another patron.
Cardinal de Tournon, furnished him with money for a pro-
tracted tour in the East (1546-1549). The account of his
travels, which he published in 1553, is said to be one of the
best books of the kind written in the sixteenth century^, and
his book on birds, which appeared in 1555, shows consider-
able personal observation and some anatomical knowledge'.
He was also a botanist and an ichthyologist, and he wrote a
book on classical antiquities. Unfortunately, while stUl in
the prime of life, he was assassinated in the Bois de Boulogne

(1564).

To return to the Royal Professorships : in 1539 Francis I,
urged thereto by Bude, Cardinal Du Bellay, and Pierre Du
Chastel, who in 1539 had succeeded Jacques Colin as King's
reader, reverted to his original intention of housing his pro-
fessors in a magnificent college. Accordingly, he addressed
a document to the treasurer of his exchequer calling upon him
to provide ways and means for the building of a college on the
site of the Hotel de Nesle (December 19, 1539)* But, like
many of Francis's grand conceptions, it never bore fruit. The
Royal Professors remained without a home till nearly a cen-
tury later. However, an increase was made in the number of
the professorships. A second chair of mathematics was
created in 1540 and filled by Pasquier Duhamel. In 1542
chairs of Greek and Latin philosophy and medicine were
added, both being given to Itahans, the former to the
Milanese Francesco Vicomercato, and the latter to the

1 Nicferon, xxiv. 36; Haurfeau, Hist. Litt. du Maine, 11. 64 ff.; Ann.
flichoises, July 1903.

' Les observations de plusieurs singularitez et choses memorables trouvies en
Grice, Asie, JudSe, Egypte, Arabie et autres pays estranges, 1553. It was
several times reprinted within the next few years.

' Hisioire de la Nature des Oyseaux. See A. Newton, A Dictionary of Birds
(1893-1896), p. 5.

* Vita Castellani, p. 154. Of Du Chastel's services to the cause of learning
I have spoken in the Literature of the French Renaissance, 1. 20—21.

HUMANIST MEDICINE 143

Florentine Guido Guidi (Vidus Vidius), both of whom became
high in favour with Francis and were Uberally rewarded.
Vidius contributed in some measure to the advance of ana-
tomical study, but like all the physicians and surgeons of his
days, with almost the single exception of Vesalius, he preferred
to translate Hippocrates and Galen.

Even if I had the necessary knowledge, an account of
humanist medicine would be beyond the scope of this
sketch, but it may be well to point out here that in the
work of "breaking Arabian domination and restoring to
medicine the uncorrupted spirit of Greece ^ " France played
a distinguished part. Cop and Ruel, among the older human-
ists, Giinther of Andernach and Jacques Dubois (Sylvius) of
the younger generation, were active translators of the Greek
medical writers. Giinther's versions of Galen were particu-
larly numerous, and Jacques Dubois, whose fame as a lecturer
on anatomy rivalled that of Giinther, was a fervent admirer
of both Galen and Hippocrates. Jean Fernel, equally dis-
tinguished as a physiologist and as an anatomist, though he
did little or no translating, was Galen's faithful disciple.
Rabelais edited translations of the Aphorisms and three other
treatises of Hippocrates, and of Galen's Ars medica, while the
frequent references to these two writers in his great romance
testify to the care with which he had studied them^ Besides
the translations made by Frenchmen or foreigners who lived
and lectured in France, the presses of Paris and Lyons issued
mmierous Latin translations of Greek medical works by
Germans, Italians, and Enghshmen. Of the six works of Galen
which Linacre translated, all except one appeared in Paris
editions. The most important of them, the De methodo me-
dendi, after being revised by Bude, was printed at Paris in
1519, Thomas Lupset seeing it through the press, and was
reprinted there in 1526 and 1530.

A further step was taken towards restoring the knowledge
of Greek medicine when Greek medical writings were trans-

1 Sir W. Osier, Thomas Linacre, Cambridge, 1908.

2 See W. F. Smith, Rabelais in his Writings, Cambridge, 1918, pp. 137-
151-

144 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

lated into French. This work was carried out largely at Lyons,
where, with the encouragement of Symphorien Champier, the
physician Jean Tolet translated Aegineta and Galen (i540)»
and his colleague, Jean Canappe, various treatises of Galen
and one of Hippocrates (1541-1542). All were pubHshed by

Doleti.

In botany and zoology too humanism played an important
part. Jean Ruel, who had become known by a translation of
Dioscorides in 15 16, pubhshed in 1536 his celebrated De
natura stirpium, which is almost entirely a compilation from
Greek and Latin writers on botany. It was published by
Simon de Colines in a magnificent edition with a singularly
beautiful title-page (Frontispiece). Of Pierre GUles's De vi et
animalium natura, which is largely compiled from Aelian,
I have already spoken*.

The advance of Greek studies at Paris naturally stimu-
lated the activity of the Paris press. Two years before the
foundation of the Royal Professorships the printing of
Greek books began to show signs of continuous development.
After the departure of Aleandro from France Gourmont's
press had shown a marked diminution in activity and
from 15 14 to 15 17 had only issued seven Greek volumes,
while from 15 17 to 1528 the average issue of Greek books
in all Paris was only one a year. But in 1528 there was
a marked improvement. Simon de Colines, who had married
the widow of Henri Estienne the elder, pubhshed a trans-
lation into Greek by Theodore Gaza of Cicero's De senec-
tute^ and an edition of Sophocles which follows the text
of the princeps (Aldus, 1502). Pierre Vidoue* pubhshed the
three Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes with Cheradame
for editor, and began the printing of the same editor's
Aristophanes *-

In 1529 there came from Simon de Colines an abridged

> See the bibliography of Dolet's impressions in Christie, op. cit., traduit
par C. Stryienski(i886), pp. 506-531 ; and for Canappe see Petit de JuUeville,
Histoire de la langue et de la litUrature franpaise, iv. 74-76.

' See above, p. 141.

» Ph. Renouard, op. cit. p. 113. * lb. p. 128.

' See above, p. 132.

GREEK BOOKS 145

Greek grammar, two orations of Isocrates, and Galen, De
fiulsibus ad tirones^ ; from Badius, Bud^'s Greek Commentaries,
including his Greek letter to Francis I and a Greek epi-
logue, and three orations of Isocrates^; and from Chrestien
Wechel an edition of Gaza's Greek grammar, printed for him
by Simon Du Bois (Sylvius) *. Panzer also gives under this
year an edition of Aristotle's De virtutibus et vitiis by Chera-
dame*.

In 1530 the output of Greek books considerably increased.
Badius published Demosthenes Against Meidias, the pseudo-
Platonic Axiochus, and two more orations of Isocrates;
Wechel a Greek alphabet; and Simon de Colines, Galen De
remediis facile par ahilihus^. But the list is swelled by no less
than eleven works from the press of a German printer named
Gerard Morrhe or Morrhy. He was a native of Kempen, in
the diocese of Cologne, near the Netherlands border, famous
as the birthplace of Thomas a Kempis. The works consisted
of four dialogues of Lucian — the Icaro-Menippus, the Sale of
the Philosophers and two others — the Ajax of Sophocles,
Plutarch's Apophthegmata, Aristotle's Rhetoric, a Greek-
Latin lexicon, the Commentaries of Didymus (the celebrated
Alexandrian grammarian) on the Odyssey, the often-printed
treatise of Gaza on The Months, and (in one volume) three
short treatises of Galen, including the two books on The
elements of Hippocrates, which according to the preface was
the first work read by a candidate for a medical degree*. On
the title-page of this last work the place of publication is
given as apud Sorbonam, and at first sight it looks as if
the Sorbonne had harboured a printer of that heretical
language, Greek, within its orthodox precincts. But Morrhe's
press was set up, not in the Sorbonne itself, but in a

1 Renouard, op. cit. pp. 138-140.

^ Renouard, Josse Badius Ascensius, 11. 239 and 525.

' Wechel and Du Bois have the same device. The latter on account of his
rehgious opinions fled to Alen9on, where we find him in 1530.

' Panzer, viii. 129.

^ Three other volumes of Galen, published by S. de Colines without a
date, probably belong to 1529 or 1530 (Renouard, p. 418).

^ See Panzer; and H. Omont in Mim. Soc. Hist, de Paris et de I'lle-de-Fr.
XVIII (1891), 73-100, 133-144, and Bull. 1895, pp. 35-39.

146 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

house in the cloister of St Benedict which belonged to the
college^.

In the following year (1531) Morrhe issued only one Greek
book, namely, seven speeches of Demosthenes including the
Philippics. On the other hand, Wechel increased his output;
he pubhshed Gregory Nazianzen's Invective against the Em-
peror Julian, a book by the second-century rhetorician
Hermogenes, the Table of Cebes, the speeches from the First
Book of Thucydides, and the rival orations of Demosthenes
and Aeschines. He followed this up in 1532 with two volumes
of Demosthenes (including the speech against Leptines) and
with Plato's Timaeus. Badius, whose long and honourable
career was drawing to a close — ^he died in 1535 — ^pubhshed
the Greek Anthology in 1531 and an oration of Demosthenes
in 1532. In the latter year his son-in-law, Michel Vascosan,
joined this honourable band of Greek printers; his contribu-
tion was the Epitome of the doctrines of Plato, a work of the
otherwise unknown Platonic philosopher Alcinous^. No
Greek work came from Morrhe's press in 1532.

From 1533 to 1536 the lead was taken by Wechel, who has
to his credit editions of Pindar's Ol5mipian and Pythian Odes,
of the first five books of the Odyssey, of two dialogues of
Lucian and of five speeches of Dio Chrysostom, besides some
minor works. Other publishers contributed but sparingly:
Simon de Colines a New Testament (1534); Vascosan two
editions of Gaza's Greek grammar; Augereau, whose short
career was ended at the stake in 1534, Hesiod's Works and
Days (1533) ; and Jean Loys of Thiel in Guelderland (Lodoicus
Tiletanus) the Oeconomicus of Xenophon (1535) ^

But in 1539 encouragement was given to the work by the
appointment of a King's printer for Greek. The man chosen

1 Apud Sorbonam in coenobio D. Benedicti (see Renouard, Imprimeurs
Parisiens, p. 277). In a letter of March 30, 1532, Morrhe says that
he has friends in the Sorbonne who "quod sentiunt mussare coguntur
verius quam proferre."

2 It was first printed in a, Latin translation in 1469, then in Greek by-
Aldus in 1 52 1.

= He set up his press in 1535 and died in 1547 (Renouard, Imprimeurs
Parisiens, p. 250). In 1536 he printed an edition of Quintilian for the heirs
of Josse Badius.

GREEK PRINTING, ROBERT ESTIENNE 147

for the post was Conrad Neobar, whose father came from the
diocese of Cologne. "Distinguished men of letters," says the
King in the letters-patent of the appointment, "have repre-
sented to us that art, history, morals, philosophy, and almost
aU other branches of learning, flow from Greek writers, like
rivers from their source^." Neobar died less than two years
after his appointment — killed, it is said, by hard work — and
was succeeded by Robert Estienne, the second son of Henri I
Estienne, and the son-in-law of Josse Badius, who already
held the office of King's printer for Hebrew and Latin. In
1541 he was ordered by the King to procure from Claude
Garamond, the typefounder and engraver, three sets of
Greek t5?pes for the royal press ^. The two larger sizes were
modelled on the handwriting of Angelo Vergecio*, and the
smallest, it is said, on that of his pupil, Robert Estienne's son
Henri, then a boy of ten. The exquisite beauty of these types
together with the good quality of the paper and ink make
the Greek books printed by Robert Estienne and his suc-
cessors among the most finished specimens of typography
that exist. Those printed by Robert included eight editiones
principes, the most important being Eusebius, Justin Martyr,
Dionysius of Halicamassus, Appian, and Dio Cassius.

Robert Estienne was a scholar as well as a printer. His
Thesaurus linguae latinae, which appeared in 1532, was,
especially in the improved form of the third edition (1543),
vastly superior to any Latin dictionary that had yet appeared,
and may be considered as marking a distinct advance in Latin
scholarship. It is, however, as an editor of the New Testa-
ment that he is best known to the world at large, particularly
in this coiintry, where until recently he was generally known
as Stephens. His New Testament of 1550, either in its
original form or in such a shghtly modified form as it assumed
in the Elzevir text of 1634, remains to this day the traditional
text. Though this is due rather to typographical than to
critical merit, it must be remembered that it was at any

1 The document is printed by A. Bernard, Geofroy Tory, p. 379.
^ A. Bernard, Les Estienne et les types grecs de Franfois I, 1856.
' Scaligerana altera, p. 11.

148 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

rate the first edition of the New Testament which had any-
critical apparatus at all. Readings from fifteen MSS. are given
in the margin. Its publication involved Robert Estienne
in disputes with the Sorbonne, with the result that towards
the close of 1550 he fled from France to Geneva. He had
been among the earhest converts in France to the new religion.
His brother Charles (1504 or 1505-1564) was a man of con-
siderable learning as well as a distinguished physician and
medical writer. He produced a Dictionarium Historicum aq
Poeticum, which was a sort of encyclopaedia, and a Thesaurus
Ciceronianus. His Praedium Rusticum, which continued to
be a favourite book down to the end of the seventeenth
century, was a collection of treatises on agriculture compiled
from ancient sources and translated into French. His experi-
mental work enabled him to correct certain views of Galen
on the anatomy of the bones and muscles^

So far we have been concerned with the various forces of
humanism which had their centre in Paris; but in the reign
of Francis I, when the unity of the French kingdom was but
of recent date, Paris was far from having the monopoly of
learning and hterature which she afterwards enjoyed. She
had as rivals flourishing provincial towns, of which some
untU more or less recent times had been capitals of practi-
cally independent kingdoms. Moreover, the provincial xmi-
versities were, on the whole, more favourably disposed to-
wards the new studies than their Paris sister. At Bordeaux,
where the university was at a very low ebb, an important
step was taken by the transformation of the CoUege of Arts
into the College of Guienne (1533)^ The first principal was
Jean de Tartas; but he very soon quarrelled hopelessly with
his professors, and it was his successor, Andre de Gouvea
(1534), who made the College into one of the most enhghtened
and flourishing places of education in the kingdom. It had
distinguished professors in his brother Antoine de Gouv6a,
who attained great celebrity as a jurist, Jacques de Te5rva,

' Ch, Daremberg, Hist, des sciences midicales, 2 vols., 1870, 1. 329.
2 GauUieur, Hist, du Collige de Guienne, 1874; R. Dezeimeris, De la Re-
naissance des lettres ct Bordeaux au seizi6me sidcle, Bordeaux, 1864.

THE COLLEGE OF GUIENNE

149

Robert Breton, Andre Zebed^e, Guillaume Guerente and his
friend Nicolas de Grouchy, Maturin Cordier and his friend
Claude Budin, Arnold Fabrice, and Jean G^lida. All, except
three, had been under him at Sainte-Barbe. Of these Breton
(Britannus) and Fabrice had a great reputation as writers of
pure Latin. Fabrice passed for one of the first orators of
his day, and Britannus, who was a native of Arras, was, with-
out being a "Ciceronian," a fervent admirer of Cicero. His
letters, pubUshed in 1540, are one of our sources of informa-
tion for the progress of htmianism at Bordeaux and else-
where. Grouchy and Guefente were both born at Rouen
and, as they were inseparable, Andre de Gouvea could not
invite one to follow him to Bordeaux without the other.
Grouchy filled the chair of logic; his lectures on Aristotle,
which he deUvered in Greek, became so celebrated that
several students left the University of Paris to sit at his feet
in Bordeaux 1. He is, however, best known as the author of
De comitiis Romanorum. Guerente like his friend was a com-
mentator on Aristotle, and like George Buchanan and Marc-
Antoine Muret, wrote Latin tragedies, in which Montaigne
acted. Montaigne, who was a pupil of the College from 1539
to 1546, had for his precepteurs domestiques, or, as we should
say, "tutors," as distinguished from class teachers, Guerente,
Grouchy, Buchanan, and Muret ; the latter, however, did not
become a regular professor -of the College till 1550. In
Montaigne's opinion Andre de Gouvea "was without com-
parison the greatest Principal in France^."

Humanism at Bordeaux was not confined to the College of
Guienne. The Parlement and the Bar included several men of
note : Aimar de Rangonnet, a native of Bordeaux, who had
a high reputation for sound learning, both as a classical
scholar and a jurist^; Briand de Vallee, Seigneur du Douhet,

1 GauUieur, op. cit. p. 102 (from De Thou's Hist. univ.).

' Cp. a letter of Britannus (fo. 46, v") quoted by GauUieur, op. cit.
p. 132.

' In 1539 he was appointed a member of the Great Council, and in 1549
President of the second chamber of enquUes in the Paris Parlement. He died
mysteriously in the Bastille in 1559. See P. Tamizey de Larroque, Un
grand homme ouhlii, le President de Ranconnet; P. Bunel, Epistolae, 1581,
pp. 66 and 82; Taisand, Les Vies des jurisconsultes, 1781.

150 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

the friend of Rabelais i; and Araoul Le Ferron, who made his
mark not only as a Greek scholar, but as a jurist and an
historian. He continued Paolo EmUio's Latin history of
France, which only went as far as the year 1488, down to the
close of the reign of Francis I. Modern historians give high
praise to his work^.

The College of Guienne served as a model for a new Uni-
versity at Nismes, which was founded in 1539 with a single
faculty, that of Arts. The first Rector was Claude BadueP,
a native of Nismes, who had imbibed his religious opinions
from Melanchthon at Wittenberg, and his educational views
partly from Melanchthon and partly from Johaim Sturm*,
whose fellow-student he had been at Louvain. In the preced-
ing year (March 1538) Sturm had opened the celebrated
gymnasium at Strasbourg which under his Rectorship was to
exercise so lasting an influence on the education of Protestant
Europe. In the same year he had pubhshed his famous De
litterarum ludis recte aperiendis.

Sturm's method of education, which with its merits and
defects — its insistence on the formation of character as an
essential part of education and its excessive devotion to
humanism, especially to the speaking and writing of Latin —
has left so deep an impress upon our own public schools, lies
outside my present subject, but it must be remembered that
Sturm lived and taught in Paris for seven years and that it
was in Paris that he estabUshed his reputation as a writer of
pure Latin and a teacher of pure morals. Bom in 1507 he
received his first education at Liege in the school of the
Bretliren of the Common Life. From there he went to Lou-
vain and from Louvain to Paris (1529), where he lectured on
Cicero and logic and soon became known as a rising scholar.

1 Pant. c. x; Book iv, c. xxxvii.

■' It was published in 1550. See Raiike,Z«f Kritik neuern Geschichtschreiber
(Werke, xxxiv), pp. 140-142; R. C. Christie, Etienne Dolet, new ed. 1890,
pp. 120-135; H. Hauser, Les Sources de I'histoire de France, XVI' siicle,
I. 26.

' M.-J. Gaufrfes, Claude Baduel et la riforme des itudes au XVI' siicle,
1880; M6nard, Histoire de la ville de Nismes, vols. 1750-1759, iv. 148 ff.

• For Sturm see C. Schmidt, La vie et les travaux de Jean Sturm, Stras-
bourg, 1855.

THE UNIVERSITY OF BOURGES 151

He also opened a school for young Germans and Swiss, which
was so successful that it attracted the youth of other
nations, including France. Rabelais knew Sturm and possibly
borrowed something from his methods in his famous account
of Gargantua's education.

The University of Nismes owed much to Margaret of
Navarre, as did that of Bourges, the capital of her duchy of
Berry. At her instigation the Italian jurist, Andrea Alciati,
came to Bourges in the first half of 1528 and in the following
year was appointed a professor with a regular salary^. He
was the founder of the new jurisprudence in France. "Ainsi
vint a Bourges, ou estudia bien longtemps et prolita beaucoup
en la faculty des loix," says Rabelais of Pantagruel.

Among Alciati's pupils was Frangois Duaren (1509-1559),
who after lecturing on the Digest for three years at Paris
became in his turn a professor at Bourges (1539). Though
Alciati returned to Italy in 1532, the impulse which he gave
to legal studies in Margaret of Navarre's University was a
lasting one, and for the next forty years Bourges ranked as
the chief law school in France, with the possible exception of
Toulouse. Among its more distinguished professors, besides
Duaren, were figioinaire Baron (1495-1555) and Fran9ois
Baudoin of Arras (1520-1573). The latter was appointed in
1548 and was succeeded seven years later by "the pearl
of jurists," Jacques Cujas. But the work of this great man,
who was not bom till 1522 and who did not begin to lecture
till 1547, lies outside my subject.

While the fame of Bourges as a Law School increased, that
of Orleans declined, especially after the death of Pierre de
L'Estoile (1537). It had, however, a noteworthy professor in
Anne Du Bourg, who suffered for his religious opinions in
1559, ^^^ ^ distinguished student in another Protestant,
Fran9ois Hotman.

Angers, which had been its rival in the fifteenth century as
a school of practical law, surpassed it in the sixteenth as a
school of scientific jurisprudence, numbering among its pro-
fessors Baron, Coras, and, later, Baudoin. Poitiers was also
^ For the dates see Mazzuchelli, GH scntiori d' Italia.

152 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

a law school of some repute, but it never became eminent.
It is true that it could boast of a distinguished student in
Rabelais's friend, Andre Tiraqueau, but he studied there
early in the sixteenth century, before the dawn of the new
jurisprudence. The only jurist of distinction who held a pro-
fessorship there seems to have been Baron.

Toulouse — Cujas's birthplace — as might be expected from
the general orthodoxy of that University, was the sanctuary
of medieval jurisprudence^. About 1530, however, the Re-
naissance began to make itself felt even there, and the new
jurisprudence was represented by Jean de Boyssonne, one of
the professors of law, and Jean de Caturce a Ucentiate. Un-
fortunately both these men also favoured the new religion,
and in 1532 Caturce was burnt at the stake, while Boyssonne,
who was first and foremost a humanist, recanted and soon
afterwards went to Italy, where he remained for a year. He
returned to Toulouse and to the duties of his chair in 1535,
but in 1538 he was made a judge of the King's court at Cham-
bery and a member of the Council which administered the
recently annexed province of Savoy^-

His friend, Arnoul Du Ferrier (1508-1585), a native of
Toulouse, was appointed to a professorship soon after
Boyssonne's departure. He is on the whole the most illustrious
French jurist of the reign of Francis I, and he had still more
illustrious pupils in Cujas and Hugues Doneau.

Another friend of Boyssonn^ who held a law-professorship
at Toulouse (1536-1541) was the Piedmontese, Matteo
Gribaldi^. He had previously lectured with success at Pisa,
Perugia, and Pavia. From Toulouse he went to Cahors, and soon
afterwards to Valence, whence he was summoned in 1548 to
Padua. Here his success was so marked that the great hall of
the University could not hold all those who flocked to hear him.

1 For an excellent account of Toulouse at this period see Christie, op. cit.
cc. iv and v.

2 For BoyssonnS see Christie, op. cit. esp. pp. 86-88. Selections from his
Latin correspondence have been printed by J. Buche in the Rev. des langues
romanes, xxxviii (1895), 176 ff., 2696.; xxxix. 71 ff., 81 fi., 138 S., 395 ff.;
XL. 177 ff.

' Nouv. Biog. Gin.; Christie, op. cit. pp. 302-305 (where he is called
Gripaldi); Tiraboschi, vii. pt. 2, 748.

FRENCH JURISTS 153

A like success is attributed to Jean de Coras (1513-1572)^
at Toulouse, his lectures being attended, it is said, by 4000
students^ But this was not till the reign of Henri II. Though
he gave lectures at Toulouse before he was eighteen, he did
not become a professor there tiU after he had held chairs at
Angers, Orleans, Padua, Valence, and Ferrara.

One more law school remains to be mentioned, that of
Valence, where in the reign of Louis XII the Milanese jurist,
Fihppo Decio, had lectured to large classes. He was followed
by another Italian, Emilio Ferreti, whose career as a professor
was divided between Italy and France. Coras was professor
there for several years from 1544 onwards, and he had as
successors, Duaren, Antoine de Gouvea, Cujas, and Hotman.
At Paris, where there was no Faculty of Civil Law, there were
occasional courses of lectures on Roman law, but they en-
countered considerable opposition from the Canonists.

The work of these early French jurists, of Baron, Du
Ferrier, Duaren, and Coras, chiefly consisted of lectures on
selected titles of the Digest; their names are not associated,
as those of Cujas and Doneau are, with any particular method
of interpretation, or with any general conception of Roman
Law as a whole. But they were admirable pioneers, stimu-
lating interest in their subject and training pupils who could
climb on their shoulders to higher things. Duaren, in par-
ticular, may be regarded as having paved the way for that
synthesis of Roman Law which was the great achievement of
Hugues Doneau^.

It was not only in its school of law that Bourges showed its
humanist procUvities. At Bourges Melchior Wolmar was sum-
moned from Orleans to fill the professorship of Greek, and
Calvin, who was his pupil in 1531, testifies to the excellence
of his teaching*. Besides the work of his professorship he
still carried on the school which he had started at Orleans.

1 Niceron, xiii. i fE.; Moreri. He perished in the Toulouse massacre of

1572.

" The numbers, no doubt, are greatly exaggerated.

^ See for a sketch of the whole subject E. Glasson, Hist, du droit et des
institutions de la France, 8 vols. 1887-1903, viii. 107-129.

* For Wolmar see Herminjard, op. cit. 11. 280, n. 7. There is a portrait of
him in Beza's Icones.

154 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

Among his pupils were Barthelemy Aneau and Theodore
Beza. Beza, who had followed him from Orleans to Bourges,
remained under him till 1535. In a letter addressed to him
twenty-five years later, he says: "I can scarcely remember
anyone that left your school, excepting me alone, who did
not attain to notable learning^." Conrad Gesner taught in
his school. Orleans had at least one distinguished professor
in Gentien Hervet, who was appointed in 1534, after a brief
experience at the new College of Guienne. But in 1540, or
thereabouts, he was recalled to Rome by his patron, Cardinal
Pole, to translate Greek authors, and from this time his
energies were devoted partly to this work and partly to the
championship by speech and pamphlet of the Catholic Church.
His very numerous translations, chiefly of Christian writers,
he almost entirely outside our period.

At Toulouse humanism had to encounter serious obstacles,
for its followers, all young men, were more or less in sympathy
with religious reform. We have seen what befel Caturce and
Boyssonne. Matthieu Pac, who was involved in the proceed-
ings against them, saved himself by fhght and Boyssonne's
close friend, fitienne Dolet, who joined the University as a
law-student in 1532, two years later similarly escaped arrest by
a hurried migration to Lyons*. In 1529 Pierre Bunel, a native,
had been expelled from the town on a charge of heresy. We
shall encounter him later as a writer of Ciceronian prose. A
better welcome was given to Adrien Tumebe, who was ap-
pointed a professor in 1533.

The Parlement of Toulouse coimted more than one humanist
among its members, namely, the First President, Jacques de
Minuti, a Milanese; his coimtryman and successor, Jean de
Bertrandi, who became First President of the Pairis Parlement
and Keeper of the Seals and later Bishop, Archbishop, and
Cardinal; and Arnoul Le Ferron, the historian, who was

' This letter is prefixed to Beza's Confessio Chrisiianae Fidei; a trans-
lation of it is printed as an Appendix to H. M. Baird's Theodore Beza, New
York, 1899.

* Rather earlier students at Toulouse were Michel de I'Hospital and the
Spaniard, Michel Servet (1528), who was destined to the same fate as
Caturce and Dolet.

JULIUS CAESAR SCALIGER 155

also of Italian descent. But the chief patron of humanism
in the capital of Languedoc was Jean de Pins, who after
serving as ambassador at Venice (1516-1520) and Rome
(1520-1523) was appointed to the see of Rieux, but who re-
sided chiefly in his fine hotel at Toulouse. Among those whom
he helped and protected were Boyssonne, Dolet, and Visagier^.
When Louis Le Roy, the future Regius Professor of Greek,
came to Toulouse in 1535 to study law, he brought with him a
letter of introduction to Jean de Pins from Bude^.

More or less within the orbit of Toulouse and about half-
way between that city and Bordeaux, lies Agen, where the
humanist physician, Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484-1558) ^, the
father of Joseph Scaliger, had been living since 1524. He
was a man of very considerable learning, with a remarkable
grasp ' of physical and metaphysical questions, but his egre-
gious vanity and iU-conditioned temper brought him into
perpetual collision with the other scholars of his day, especi-
ally with those who were connected with Toulouse. He
quarrelled with his greatest friend, Arnoul Le Ferron, and
Atticus mens became Struma. As a would-be Ciceronian, he
attacked Erasmus in a virulent pamphlet, but when Dolet
in his turn championed the same cause he turned upon the
young scholar, hitherto his friend, for venturing to attack a
foe whom he had routed. Rabelais knew him well, and it is
possible that the Baryoenus against whom several of Sca-
Mger's epigrams are directed is the author of Paniagruel.
Dr de Santi's conjecture that the acquaintance was made at
Agen is in accordance with the fact that Scaliger seems seldom
to have left his home *- It is probable too that Rabelais was for
a short time at Toulouse (though some of the reasons given by
Dr de Santi^ are not very convincing) for his references to that
city suggest a knowledge of it from personal observation*.

^ For Jean de Pins (1470-1557) see Christie, op. cit. p-p. 62-69; L. Thuasne,
Gaguini Episiolae, 2 vols. 1904, i. 374; Allen, op. cit. iii. 510 f.

^ A.-H. Becker, Loys Le Roy, 1896, p. 4.

= See Christie's article in the Encycl. Brit. Thuanus, lib. xxi. c. 11, says:
" Vir quo superiorem antiquitas vix habuit, parem certe haec aetas non vidit.

* Rabelais et J. C. Scaliger in Rev. des dtudes rab. iii. 12 ft.

* Rabelais A Toulouse in Rev. du XVI' siMe, viii. 42 ff.

* In Pant. 11. c. xxii, and v. c. xxx, he refers to the " moulins du Bazaele a

156 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

Montpellier, like Toulouse, had the advantage of a humanist
bishop in its midst. This was Guillaume Pellicier {circ. 1490-
1568), the friend and correspondent of Rabelais, a negligent
bishop but a good humanist. He was a student of natural
history and contemplated an edition of Pliny. He had a
particularly fine library, his Greek manuscripts alone number-
ing 1104, and filHng over 200 volumes^. The University of
Montpellier was chiefly famous for its School of Medicine, but
humanism went hand in hand with medical studies. Rabelais,
who lectured there as a bachelor in 1530, possessed a "very
ancient " Greek manuscript of Hippocrates, and made textual
criticism a special feature of his lectures. Seven years later,
when, after taking his doctor's degree, he again lectured there,
he used a Greek text of the Prognostic of Hippocrates by the
side of the Latin translation. Another distinguished alumnus
of Montpellier was Guillaume Rondelet (1507-1566), who took
his doctorate in the same year as Rabelais, and published his
great work, De piscibus marinis in 1554.

Next to Paris the chief centre of hmnanism in France in
the reign of Francis I was undoubtedly Lyons. Lideed in the
number of scholars who either habitually or occasionally
resided there, and in the books which issued from its presses,
it almost rivalled the capital. But the names of its famous
residents and the results of its intellectual activity at this
period have been so often recounted that I need not repeat
the story here^. Suffice it to say that the leading humanists

Toulouse." I cannot agree with Dr de Santi that Rabelais was at Toulouse
in 1529; in this year he was almost certainly at Paris. I should place his
visits to Agen and Toulouse conjecturally in 1526-1527, that is to say,
between his leaving Poitiers and his going (as I believe) to Bourges.
Pantagruel, it will be recollected, went from Poitiers by La Rochelle to
Bordeaux and from there to Toulouse, Agen (where there was no University)
being on the direct road between the two places.

1 See J. Zeller, La diplomatie frangaise vers le milieu du XVI' siicle
d'aprds la correspondance de Pellicier, 1881 ; Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance
de G. Pellicier, 1899; Journal des Savants (1900), pp. 78 ff.; Montfaucon,
Bibliotheca Bibliothecarum, 1739, 11. 1198 ff., who prints a catalogue of the
Greek MSS.; H. Omont, Cat. des manuscriis grecs de G. Pellicier, 1886.

" See especially Christie, op. cit. c. ix; F. Buisson, Sebastien Castellion,
1892, c. ii; A. Baur, Maurice Scive et la Renaissance Lyonnaise, 1906, cc. i
and iv; R. L. Hawkins, Maistre Charles Fontaine, Cambridge (Mass.), 1916,
c. iv. For the older authorities see my Literature of the French Renaissance.
I. 23, n.".

LYONS 157

were Symphorien Champier, their doyen, who died about
1538I; Sanctes Pagnini, the great hebraist; Guillaume Du
Choul, the archaeologist, whose works however — on the
Roman army and rehgion respectively — ^were not published
till 1555 ; the three brothers de Vauzelles, of whom Jean was
an active collector of antiquities 2, and their friend, Jacques
de Vmtimille, the translator of the Cyropaedia; Guillaume
Sc^ve and his cousin Maurice; and the physicians Pierre Tolet
and Jean de Canappe, who have been mentioned above as
translators of Greek medical works.

Another illustrious native of Lyons was Jean Grolier de
Servier, Seigneur d'Aguisi (near Verona). Bude's De Asse was
dedicated to him, and it was at his expense that an edition of
it was printed at the Aldine press (1522). His Hbrary, con-
taining over 3000 volumes, must have been the finest private
Hbrary in France^. Jean de Vauzelles and Guillaume Du
Choul had also good hbraries.

Lyons did not possess a University, but in 1527, partly
through the exertions of Symphorien Champier, a college
was founded of the same character as the college of Guienne
at Bordeaux. It was called Trinity College, and from the
first had a great influence on the development of humanist
studies. The first principal of any note was Jean Raynier, a
native of Angers ; but Barthelemy Aneau*, the professor of
rhetoric, and the future author of Le Quintil Horatian, was its
guiding spirit, though he did not become principal till 1540.

The chief printer and pubhsher of Lyons was Sebastian

^ See my Dawn of the French Renaissance, pp. 315-316.

" See £. Picot, Les frangais italianisants au XVI' sidcle, 2 vols. 1906,
I. 117 ff., and notices by L. de Vauzelles of M. de Vauzelles (Lyons, 1870),
J. de VauzeUes (Lyons, 1872), and J. de Vintimille (Orleans, 1865).

' For Grolier (1479-1565) see Thuanus, lib. xxxviii. c. xiv; Le Roux de
Lincy, Recherches sur Jean Grolier, 1866. His library was preserved in the
Hotel de Vic till 1676, when it was sold by auction. His copy of the Aldine
De Asse is in the Rylands library.

'■ For the college and for B. Aneau see Buisson, op. cit. pp. 17-24; Breghot
du Lut, Biographic Lyonnaise, pp. 189 ff.; A. Pericaud, Notes et documents
pour servir i I'histoire de Lyons, Lyons, 1838; and C. Ruutz-Rees, Charles
de Sainte-Marthe, New York, 1910, pp. 93-110. Aneau wrote Greek and
Latin verses, and translated the third book of the Metamorphoses, the
Emblems of Alciat, and More's Utopia. He was murdered by the populace
in 1565 on the suspicion that he was a Protestant.

158 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

Gryphius, whose services to humanism were inferior to those
of no other French printer. Himself a good Latin scholar, he
especially devoted himself to the printing of Latin classics in
pocket editions. He was the pubUsher of Pagnini's Hebrew
lexicon (1529) and Dolet's Commentaries on the Latin Tongue
(1536). Guillaume Sceve, Dolet, and Rabelais were employed
as correctors to his press ^. Other Lyons printers of scholarly
tastes were Guillaume Roville, who married Gr5^hius's
daughter; Jean de Tournes, for many years his foreman^;
and Jean Frellon. Above all there was fitienne Dolet, who
set up his press in 1538. As I have said elsewhere, the life
of this interesting man has been told by Christie* with such
a rare combination of accurate learning, searching criticism,
and generous S5mipathy, that there is no French humanist
about whom we have such complete information. His high
enthusiasm for learning makes him a typical figure of the
Renaissance, and his Commentaries on the Latin Tongue
(1536-1538) is, in the words of Christie, "one of the most
important contributions to Latin scholarship which the six-
teenth century produced*."

One of Dolet's most virulent and indecent attacks was
made upon Erasmus in answer to the Ciceronianus, in which
Erasmus had justly criticised the slavish admiration enter-
tained by many Italian scholars for Cicero's style. His book
took the form of a dialogue between Sir Thomas More and
Simon ViUanovanus in defence of Longohus. la fact, Villano-
vanus and Longolius were almost the only two scholars bom
this side of the Alps who had any reputation as Ciceronians,
and whose letters were thought worthy of being printed with
those of Sadoleto and Bembo. They were both Flemings, and
both died young in the first half of Francis I's reign. Of
Christophe de Longueil I have given a brief accoimt in The

1 Inter tot norunt Libros qui cudere, tres sunt

Insignes: languet caetera Turba fame.
Castigat Stephauus, sculpit Colinaeus, utrumque
Gryphius edocta mente manuque facit.
" For Roville and J. de Tournes see Picot, op. cit. i. i6i ff. and 183 flf.
' £tienne Dolet, 1880; new and revised edition, 1899. I know no single
book which gives so graphic and so faithful a picture of French humanism;
see pp. 175-178 for Gryphius.

' For a full account and estimate see ib. 242-288.

CICERONIANS 159

Dawn of the French Renaissance. When he died at Padua in
1522 he held an unofficial professorship of Latin, in which
he was succeeded by Simon Villanovanus, a man of consider-
able reputation in his day, not only as a Ciceronian, but as a
scholar generally. He died in 1530 at the age of thirty-five,
to the great grief of Dolet, who had attended his lectures at
Padua for three years and hved with him in the greatest
intimacy^.

At Padua Villanovanus had also as his pupil, Pierre Bunel
(1499-1546)^, whom we have seen expelled from his native
Toulouse on a charge of heresy, and who was the only true
Frenchman to attain fame as a Ciceronian. In November 1530
he left Padua for Venice to take up the post of secretary, first
to Lazare de Baif, the French ambassador, and then to his
siiccessor, Georges de Selve (from 1534). He returned with
the latter to France and lived with him at his see of Lavaur
till his death in 1541. Bunel himself died at Turin in 1546.
A collection of his Latin letters was published by Charles
Estienne in 1550, and these were included in a volume issued
by Henri Estienne in 1581, which also contains letters by
Manutius, who was Bunel's pupil, Bembo, Sadoleto, and
Longueil.

Bunel's chief, Lazare de Baif (1496-1547)*, who represented
the French King at Venice from 1529 to the beginning of
1534, ranked very high among the French humanists of his
day, even to the point of being mentioned in the same breath
with the great Bude. He was a good writer of Latin prose,
but in Erasmus's treatise he is said to be an Atticus rather
than a Cicero. He wrote three archaeological treatises,
De re vestiaria, De vasculis, and De re navali, which went
through numerous editions, the best being that of Robert

1 See Christie, op. cit. pp. 27-31. From the fact that P. Bunel, in an
epitaph which he wrote for him (P. Bunelli et P. Manutii epistolae, 1581,
p. 10), calls him " Belga " Christie infers that he was a native of Neufville
in Hainault, and he points out that this is no objection to his being with
Rabelais's "le docte Villanovanus fran9ois," who never dreamed.

' Bayle has an interesting article on Bunel. He was a friend of Mon-
taigne's father.

a See Haureau, Hist, litt.du Maine, 1852, in. 1-6; L. Pinvert, L. de Baif,
1900.

l6o HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

Estienne, 1549, ^^ which all three are included. He trans-
lated the Electra of Sophocles and the Hecuba of Euripides
into indifferent French verse, and the first two pairs of
Plutarch's Lives. The latter work, which was undertaken at
the request of Francis I, was continued by his successor at
Venice, Georges de Selve, who with the help of Danes trans-
lated two more pairs of Lives.

Two other men who had considerable reputation in France
as writers of Latin prose were Nicole Berault, who is dismissed
in the Ciceronianus as a better speaker than writer, and
Robert Breton. Both have been already mentioned in this
sketch^.

The first place among French writers of Latin verse — at
any rate, after the death of Brixius — ^was deservedly held by
Jean Salmon, a native of Loudun in Poitou, who, having been
nicknamed Maigret on account of his thinness, latinised his
name into Salmonius Macrinus. His admirers spoke of him
as the French Horace. He seems to have had less ambition
and greater modesty than most of his brother l!atin poets,
and he was content to lead a quiet domestic life, writing his
best lyrics to his wife, who in return bore him twelve children.
In one of his odes he enumerates the chief Latin poets of
France as follows :

lam suo gaudet Genabum Doleto,
Brixio fratres Hedui, Latinis
Borboni saJsis elegis tumescunt

Vandoperani.
Dampetro flavus Liger et iugosi
Bloesii, Rhemi tuo honore, Vultei,
Versibus tellus quoque gloriatur

Julia nostris ".

Jean Dampierre lived in the neighbourhood of Toulouse;
after practising for some years with success as an advocate,

' See above, pp. 128 f., for B6rault, and p. 149 for Breton.
^ Another ode begins:

Brixi, Dampetre, Borboni, Dolete,

Vulteique operis recentis author. — Del. poet. gall. 11. 478.
Joseph Scaliger said "Macrinus a&mv scriptor optimus," but "Doletus et
Borbonius poetae nulhus nominis" {Prima Scaligerana). For Macrin see
Nic^ron, xxxi. 264 ff.

PLATE IV

Nichola.? Borhomvs Poela.

:xtMiM,i&^Zl'

rholo. Brnuii &= Co.

NICOLAS liOURBON

From a <lraHin^' by Holbein the younger in the Royal Collection, Windsor

Copyrinht of His Majesty the Kint;

WRITERS OF LATIN VERSE l6l

he entered a religious order and became director to a convent
of nuns^. Nicolas Bourbon of Vandceuvre in Champagne is
interesting to Englishmen as the tutor of Lord Hunsdon and
the Dudleys, and as the friend of Bishop Latimer and
Dean Boston^. When he was in England (1535), he made
friends also with Holbein, who painted his portrait'. He
was afterwards tutor to Jeanne d'Albret. Vulteius's real
name was Jean Visagier; after studyiag at the College of
Sainte-Baxbe and holding for a short time a post as lecturer
in the new College of Guienne at Bordeaux, he became,
as we have seen, a law student at Toulouse and prac-
tised there as an advocate*. In 1535 and the following
year he was hving at Lyons, where he became intimate with
Dolet and Bourbon. These three, with Gilbert Ducher of
Aigueperse in Auvergne^ and Hubert Susannee, formed a
group of young humanists at Lyons, who were united not
only by their cultivation of Latin poetry but also by their
free criticism of Catholic doctrines and practices^. The
harmony of their friendship was often broken by violent
quarrels, in which Dolet was the most conspicuous, for he
quarrelled with all in turn. Susannee was not much better,
and there was a temporary breach of friendship between
Visagier and Bourbon. All this furnished excellent material
for stinging epigrams^.

Outside this group was Claude Rousselet*, a Lyons lawyer,
whose Epigrammata were published posthumously in 1537,

1 See Salm. Macrinus, Hymnorum lib. sex, 1537, p. 167 ; Vulteius, Hendeca-
syllaborum lib. IV. 1538, p. 22 \°; Nic6ron, xxvi. 48 ff.

^ See G. Carre, De Vita et Scriptis N. Borbonii, 1888.

^ The picture has disappeared, but the drawing for it (Plate IV) is at
Windsor. Holbein also made a smaller drawing for reproduction as a wood-
cut in the 1538 edition of Bourbon's Nugae. (See A. B. Chamberlain, Hans
Holbein the younger, 2 vols. 1913, 11. 72-75, and Nugae, 1538, vi. xii.)

* For Vulteius {circ. 1510-1542) see Bouillet, Biographie ardennaise,
2 vols. 1830. For his French name see Revue d'hist. Hit. de la France, i. 530;
Gaullieur had already suggested the possibility of this (op. cit. 119, n. ").

^ See Buisson, op. cit. pp. 29-35.

* Susannee, however, was thoroughly orthodox. His French name is
usually given as Susanneau, but I have adopted the form found by Miss
Ruutz-Rees in the Grenoble archives (see Some sixteenth century School-
masters at Grenoble, Romanic Review, viii. no. i).

' See for these quarrels Christie, op. cit.

* See Breghot du Lut, op. cit. 11. 349 ff.

l62 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

and Antoine de Gouvea, the distinguished jurist and editor
of Terence, who occasionally visited Lyons and who published
a volume of epigrams there in 1539. Poems by all these men,
and also by Simon Vallambert, a Burgundian doctor, find a
place in Gruter's collection. But the best Latin poetry written
in France at this time, except Macrin's and perhaps Visagier's,
was Theodore Beza's, whose Poemata, however, did not appear
till 1548, the year after the death of Francis I^. His tribute
to Rabelais is worth quoting:

Qui sic nugatur, tractantem ut seria vincat,
Seria quum faciei, die, rogo, quantus erit.

Thus we see that in the reign of Francis I, not only in
Paris, but in every town of France that could claim to be an
intellectual centre, especially in the Universities, there was
a swift and vigorous development of humanist studies. Lyons,
Toulouse, and Bordeaux, the three chief towns of the south
— Marseilles, the importance of which dates only from the
time of Louis XI, was still mainly a commercial town — ^were
all active centres of humanism. Montpellier was first and
foremost a medical University, but several of its medical pro-
fessors were also humanists. Valence provided chairs for
several distinguished professors of law. Rodez had a humaiust

^ Here is a list of the productions of these Latin poets :
Beza, Poemata, Paris, 1548.
Bourbon, Nugae, Paris, 1533; ib. 1535; Opusculum puerile ad pueros de

moribus sive Tlaibayiayeiov ; Nugarum libri octo, Lyons, 1538.
Dolet, Orationes duae in Tholosam. . .Eiusdem Carminum libri II [Lyons,

I534-]
Ducher, Epigrammaton libri duo, Lyons, 1537.
Gouvea, Epigrammaton libri duo, Lyons, 1539.
Macrin, Carminum libellus, Paris, 1528; Carminum libri quatuor, Paris, 1530;

Lyricorum libri duo, Paris, 1531 ; Hymnorum libri sex, Paris, 1537 ; Odarum

libri sex, Lyons, 1537; Odarum libri ires, Paris, 1546; Epigrammaton libri

duo, Paris, 1548.
Rousselet, Epigrammata, Lyons, 1537.
Susannfie, Dictionarium Ciceronianum... Epigrammaton libri, Paris, 1536;

Ludorum libri, ib. 1538.
Vallambert, Epigrammata, 1545.
Visagier, Epigrammatum libri duo, Lyons, 1536; Epigrammaton libri II II.

eiusdem Xenia, Lyons, 1537; Inscriptionum libri duo. Xeniorum libellus,

Paris, 1538; Hendecasyllaborum Libri quatuor, Paris, 1538.
Dampierre's poems have been lost with the exception of a few printed in
Gruter's collection.

THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL OF GRENOBLE 163

bishop in the person of Georges d'Armagnac, a friend
of Erasmiis and Rabelais^. Further north were Nevers,
where Maturin Cordier for four years promoted the culti-
vation of pure Latin; Bourges with its flourishing law
school, where Alciati introduced humanist jurisprudence into
France; and Poitiers, in the neighbourhood of which, at his
priory of Liguge, the young humanist bishop of Maillezais;
Geoffroy d'Estissac, the friend and host of Rabelais, was the
leader of a learned and Uterary society. Angers, like Poitiers,
was mainly a law school, but it was more progressive than
Poitiers, and during the last thirty years of the sixteenth
century it even rivalled Bourges. Orleans, which at the be-
ginning of the century came next to Paris in its favourable
reception of the new studies, seems in spite of one or two
distinguished professors, to have declined from its high
promise ahke in arts and law. It was probably too near Paris
to attract students in arts, and as a law school it was over-
shadowed by Bourges.

A good illustration of the high esteem in which a know-
ledge of Greek and Latin was held in France at this time is
afforded by Miss Ruutz-Rees's interesting account of the
Municipal School, or, as we should call it, the Grammar
School, of Grenoble^- Early in 1536 the post of Assistant-
Bachelor to the school became vacant, and the Town Council
appointed the Rector's nominee, who was no other than
Hubert Susannee, one of the Lyons group of humanists. He
was a good Latin scholar and had just published a dictionary
to Cicero, with a book of Epigrams by way of appendix ; he
was fairly competent in Greek; and he had some experience
as a teacher. But alas ! he had, as has been said, a highly
irascible temper, which expressed itself in deeds as well as
words, and four months after his appointment, "having pro-
ceeded to certain acts of violence," he fled from Grenoble.
But in 1540 a new Rector was wanted, and in spite of his
record, Susannee, now a doctor of law and medicine, was

^ In 1536 he was appointed ambassador at Venice and from there passed
to Rome in 1539. He was created a Cardinal in 1544.
2 Op. cit.

tr— 2

l64 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

appointed — only to be dismissed two years later for more acts
of violence.

Susannee was not a success, but his appointment by the
Town Council of a small provincial capital to the Mastership
of their Grammar School, especially after their first experi-
ence of him, is a sign of the rapid progress which humanism
made in France during the decade which followed the creation
of the Royal Professorships. It began in fact a little before
1530, namely, with the foundation of Trinity College at Lyons
in 1527, the impulse given to the printing of Greek books at
Paris in 1528, the pubhcation of Bude's Commentaries of the
Greek language, and the King's first important acquisition of
Greek MSS. in 1529. Then comes the foundation of the Royal
Professorships (1530), the publication of Robert Estienne's
Latin Thesaurus (1532), the foundation of the College of
Guienne (1533), the pubhcation of Dolet's Latin Commen-
taries (1536-1538), the foimdation of the University of
Nismes and the appointment of N6obar as King's printer for
Greek (both in 1539), and that of Robert Estienne as his
successor (1540). The last of these years was the year of
Bud6's death; with a thankfvd heart he could sing his Nunc
Dimittis, for he had Uved to see the trimnph of humanism in
France.

We see from this retrospect how accurately Gargantua's
letter to Pantagruel represents the condition of classical
studies in France in the year 1532. "But now all methods of
teaching are restored; the study of the languages renewed —
Greek (without which it is a disgrace for a man to style him-
self a scholar), Hebrew, Chaldean, Latin ; impressions of books
most elegant and correct are in use through printing." We
see too that the account of Gargantua's education, which was
probably written in 1533, the year in which the CoUege of
Guienne was founded, is essentially a true picture — faithful
in its general spirit, if exaggerated in its details.

There are certain features in this humanism which invite
notice. First, the importance attached to the writing and
speaking of Latin. Scholars hardly ever condescended to use
the vernacular when they wrote. Good literatmre — bonae

WANDERING SCHOLARS 165

litterae — ^meant classical literature. All lectures were de-
livered in Latin; to speak Latin was obligatory on all
students. Sturm and Gordier were equally insistent on this,
though Cordier, at any rate, used the vernacular in the earliest
stages of instruction. The difficulty was to carry out the prac-
tice in the home, but the well-known instances of Robert
Estienne and of Montaigne's father, in whose households
Latin was spoken even by the maidservants, were by no
means isolated ones. But if Latin was universally employed
by the learned, Greek, "without which it is a disgrace for a
man to style himself a scholar," was the passport to fame and
fortune. A knowledge of Greek was a sure road to the King's
favour, and several of his bishops and diplomatists — Jean de
Pins, Lazare de Baif, Georges de Selve, Georges d'Armagnac,
Geoffroy d'Estissac, La Forest — owed their appointments to
their knowledge of that language, though in the case of some
of them it was perhaps not very profound.

Another noticeable feature is the frequent migrations which
took place from one University to another. We have seen
how the law professors passed from one chair to another,
sometimes with great rapidity, and sometimes even ex-
changing a French chair for an Italian one or vice versa.
Rabelais's account of Pantagruel's wanderings from one Uni-
versity to another is only a characteristic exaggeration of a
common practice, and Le Roy's statement that Rabelais is
here relating his own experience has much to be said for it.
A more indisputable example of a wandering scholar is
Charles de Sainte-Marthe (1512-1555)^, the son of the original
of Rabelais's Picrochole. After completing his humanities —
we do not know in what University — he became a law-student
at Poitiers, whence he was invited in 1533 by Jean de Tartas
to join the staff of the new College of Guienne. But he re-
signed his post towards the end of 1534 and after an interval
returned to Poitiers, where he took his doctorate of law and
also a degree in theology and was soon afterwards (probably
in March or April 1537) appointed to the Regius Professorship

1 His life has been fully and well told by Miss Ruutz-Rees in Charles de
Sainte-Marthe, New York, igio.

l66 HUMANISM UNDER FRANCIS I

of theology, But the open sympathy which he expressed for
the new reHgious doctrines in his lectures brought about his
dismissal before the end of the year. There followed a period
of wandering in the south of France, which ended with his
appointment to a chair in Trinity College, Lyons (June 1540).
But he did not remain there long; in February 1541 we hear
of him at Geneva where he was invited by the Council to
become head of the College. Unfortunately, a visit to France
for the purpose of arranging his affairs resulted in his being
imprisoned at Grenoble for two and a half years, and after his
release he abandoned the teaching career.

Sainte-Marthe's migrations were almost entirely due to his
rehgious opinions, but these opinions, hke those of many of
his brother humanists, were hardly more permanent than his
tenure of his various posts. At first warmly sympathising
with the new doctrines, to the extent of taking refuge in
Geneva, he, as the result of his long imprisonment at Gre-
noble, with its opportunities for quiet meditation, returned
to the fold of the CathoUc Church. The only difference
between his case and that of a good many others is that his
Protestant phase came at a somewhat later period than
theirs, that is to say, between 1535 or 1536 and 1543. On
the other hand, the majority of those humanists who did
not definitely end in Protestantism or, hke Des Periers, and
perhaps Dolet, in free thought, returned to orthodoxy either
after the persecution which followed the affair of the Placards,
or at the latest in 1538, when the Truce of Nice and the inter-
view with the Emperor at Aigues-Mortes finally fixed the
shifting policy of Francis I on the side of orthodoxy and
persecution.

Before the end of Francis's reign the humanist type of
education was permanent in nearly every university and col-
lege of France. It was the normal education not only for
scholars and ecclesiastics, but for every gentleman who was
destined to a civil career. Montaigne, born in 1533, the son
of a country gentleman who had returned from the Italian
wars strongly imbued with humanist ideas, was launched into
a humanist training as soon as he could speak, first at home

REACTION 167

and then at the College of Guienne. At the same time the
future magistrate and diplomatist, Henri de Mesmes, after
writing Greek and Latin verses and spouting Greek and Latin
declamations for a year and a half at the College of Burgundy
at Paris, entered, in his fourteenth year, as a law-student at
Toulouse where for three years (1545-1548) he attended law
lectures, and read Greek and Latin authors for amusement,
from five in the morning till seven or eight in the evening.

A reaction from this almost superstitious devotion to Greek
and Latin was inevitable. In the same year (1545) in which
Henri de Mesmes joined the University of Toulouse, Pierre
Ramus, who was to lead the attack on the exclusive use of
Latin for lectures and works of learning, was appointed to
the headship of the College of Presles. Two years later, in
Dorat's class-room at the College of Coqueret, Ronsard and
his young friends were fired by a noble ambition to raise
French poetry to be a rival to that of Greece and Rome.

VII

A PARIS BOOKSELLER— GALLIOT DU PR£

Among the sources of information available for the study of
literary history, the annals of the press have a certain im-
portance. They help us to reaUse for a given age what its
Hterary tastes really were. They enable us to follow, year by
year, the changes of fashion in literature. They recall the
memories of books, now long fogotten, but which in their day
enjoyed great popularity. It was doubtless the feeling that
much may be learnt from a simple chronological record of the
productions of the press that inspired Panzer, "the one true
naturaUst among general bibhographers," as Bradshaw calls
him, to accomplish his great work, which covers the whole
field of European literature from the invention of printing to
the year 1536. The interest of Panzer's achievement, not only
for the scientific bibUographer, but also for the student of
literature, suggested to me that a record of the books of an
individual pubhsher might serve to throw Mght on the hterary
history of his country during the period of his career. It
might also, I hoped, furnish some material for the solution of
one or two problems connected with the exercise of his pro-
fession.

With the object, then, of illustrating that interesting period
in French literature when the Middle Ages were slowly and
gradually dissolving into the hght of the Renaissance, I se-
lected the Paris bookseller and pubhsher, GaUiot Du Pre,
whose career extended from 1512 to 1560. He seemed to me
to combine several advantages for my purpose. His career
was a long one. He was not a printer, but a bookseller and
pubhsher pure and simple, so that the inquiry would not
involve me in the discussion of typographical problems, which
are beyond my competence. Lastly, except for a decided bias
in the direction of history, he was not a speciaUst. He did not

DU PRi'S CLIENTS 169

confine himself to romances of chivalry, or books of Hours, or
books with woodcuts. He did not, like the Estiennes and
Simon de Colines, cater especially for scholars, nor, like
Jean Trepperel, produce cheap and popular books for the
lowest class of readers. His public was that of the better
educated classes, — ^princes, nobles, and bourgeois — ^who were
not humanists and whose reading was chiefly confined to the
national literature. This public, at any rate for the first half
of his career, he carefully studied, adapting himself to their
needs, and changing when they changed. But he had enter-
prise as well as judgment, and the publisher of the first edition
of Commines's Memoirs and the Life of Bayard by Le loyal
Ser\n[teur deserves the gratitude of posterity.

In one respect my choice proved to be a fortunate one, for
soon after I had begun my investigations I learned that
M. Paul Delalain had some years ago made Galliot Du Pre
the subject of two notices, in which a considerable number
of his publications were duly chronicled^. By consulting other
means of information, I have been able to add to the books in
M. Delalain's lists, and though my information, partly from
the imperfection of my researches, partly because doubtless
many of the less important works published by Galliot Du
Pre have been entirely lost, does not pretend to be anything
like complete, it is probably complete enough for my special
purpose, that of throwing light on the literary tastes of the
period.

Galliot Du Pre was, as I have said, a publisher and book-
seller, and not a printer. In the Middle Ages the libraire
(librarius) or bookseller was, as a rule, the mere commission
agent of the ecrivain (stationarius) or coppst. The term
libraire, however, was used in common speech to denote the
ecrivain, as well as the libraire proper^. Both classes alike,
together with the parchment-sellers (parcheminiers) , illumi-
nators (enlumineurs), and bookbinders (relieurs) were officers
of the University, and as such were subject to its jurisdiction,

1 Notice sur Galliot Du Pri, Paris, 1890, and Notice compUmentaire sur
Galliot Du Pr4, ib. 1891 .

2 Stationarii qui vulgo librarii appellantur (University Statutes of
December 6, 1275).

170 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU Pk6

and enjoyed the same privileges as its masters and scholars.
Before being appointed they had to give evidence of their
qualification for the post, and to be sworn before the Rector
of the University. Hence they were called libraires juris. Out
of their number four grands libraires were appointed, whose
duty it was to fix the price of books and to exercise a general
supervision over their brethren.

The introduction of printing does not seem to have made
much difference at first in the position of booksellers. For
the majority of the early printers, like the copyists before
them, sold the books which they printed, either themselves or
through the agency of some privileged bookseller. Nor were
the copyists at once driven from the field. For some fifteen
to twenty years after the introduction of the new art to Paris
they continued to produce richly illuminated manuscripts for
wealthy patrons. Antoine Verard, originally a calligrapher
and miniaturist by profession, following the examples set by
Fichet and Heynlin, was the first pubUsher to reaUse that the
illuminator's art might be adapted on a large scale to the new
conditions. His famous editions de luxe, printed on vellima
and illustrated with woodcuts, which were illuminated by
hand with greater richness than taste, cut severely into the
trade of the ordinary copyist. Henceforth only Hours and
Greek texts were multiplied by hand.

The decline of the copyists and the growing importance of
the booksellers is shown by the royal edict of March, 1489.
For while the number of libraires jures was fixed at twenty-
four, only two copyists, together with two illuminators and
two bookbinders, were allowed to enjoy the privileges of the
University. Save that in 1533 the eminent printer and en-
graver, Geofroy Tory, was by special favour admitted as a
twenty-fifth^, the number of privileged booksellers remained
at twenty-four. The non-privileged booksellers {libraires non-
jurSs) were, at the close of the fifteenth century, still sub-
jected by the University to various restrictions. They might
not sell books for more than a certain price, and they might
only sell them at open stalls.

' A. Bernard, Geofroy Tory, 2nd ed. 1865, p. 372.

PARIS PUBLISHERS 171

The majority of the early Parisian printers were, as we have
seen, also booksellers, but as a natural result of the expansion
of business, the two trades tended to become more and more
distinct. There grew up an important class of men, who not
being printers themselves, employed various presses in the
production of books. In other words, they were publishers.
Whether Verard was a printer at all is a question which ex-
perts have not decided, but in any case his main business was
that of a bookseller and pubhsher. Of the brothers De Marnef,
Simon Vostre, Guillaume Eustace, and Denys Roce, all of
whom began to issue books before the close of the fifteenth
century, it may be said with almost complete certainty that
they were not printers. Jean Petit, who, during his long and
useful career as a pubhsher (1495-1536), employed at least
twenty-eight presses, never describes himself as a printer.

The rapid, expansion of the book-trade in Paris, which fol-
lowed the pubHcation of the first French book, Les grandes
chroniques de France, by Pasquier Bonhomme, brought a
golden harvest to the more successful publishers. Simon
Vostre became, hke Caxton, a man of substance, owning at
his death {circ. 1520) six houses. The chief printing and pub-
lishing estabhshments passed from father to son for several
generations. Pasquier Bonhomme was succeeded by his son
Jean I, his grandson Jean II, and his great-grandson Jean III,
wMle his daughter Yolande, by her marriage with Thielman
Kerver, became the ancestress of another line of distinguished
printers and pubhshers. Jean Petit was the founder of a
dynasty which flourished for more than a century. Of the
two pubHshing houses which made a speciahty of the more
popular romances of chivalry and other favourite works in
the vernacular, that of the £cu de France, in the Rue Neuve-
Notre-Dame, was carried on by Jean Trepperel and his suc-
cessors from the beginning tUl after the middle of the six-
teenth century^, wMle the rival establishment at the sign of
St Nicholas, in the same street, after passing through the hands
of Jean Saint-Denys (1525-1531), his widow Claude, and Pierre
Sargent, with whom was associated Vincent Sertenas, became

1 H. Hamsse, Excerpta Colombiniana, pp. xli ff.

172 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR6

the property of Sergent's son-in-law, Jean Bonfons, and re-
mained in his family till well into the seventeenth century^-

M. Harrisse, to whom we owe our knowledge of the chrono-
logical succession of these two houses, has pointed out that
an important part was often played by widows in the trans-
mission of a printing and bookselling business. It was a tra-
dition, he says, down to the Revolution, that the widows of
printers and booksellers should succeed to their husbands'
business, even when their sons had already attained their
majority, and he adds that "they acquitted themselves in
their task with the zeal and inteUigence which has always
been characteristic of Parisian wives of men of business^."
The most illustrious female printer of the sixteenth century
was Charlotte Guillard, the wife, first of Berthold Rembolt,
and then of Claude Chevallon. She exercised her trade for
fifty-four years (1502-1556), during sixteen of which she was
a widow. It was not uncommon for the widow of a printer or
bookseller to take a second husband of the same profession.
Thus Guyonne Viart, after the death of her first husband,
Jean Higman, married successively Henri Estienne and Simon
de Cohnes. She had no children by her third husband, but by
her first she became the ancestress of three well-known families
of booksellers and printers, Chaudiere, Cavellat, and Mace,
while by her second she became the mother of the most dis-
tinguished of French sixteenth-century printers, Robert
Estienne^. Robert Estienne himself married Perrette, the
daughter of the well-known scholar and printer, Josse Badius,
two of whose other daughters were married to men of high
distinction in the same profession, Jean de Roigny and Michel
de Vascosan.

With these preliminary observations I will proceed to give
an account in chronological order of Galhot Du Pre's pub-
lications. He began his career, so far as we know, in the year
1512*, publishing in that year two Latin works. One of these

' H. Harrisse, op. cit. pp. Ixi ff.
^ lb. p. 300.

' Ph. Renouard, Documents sur Us Imprimeurs, igoi, pp. 128-130.
' He was no relation of Jean Du Pr6, whose real name M. Renouard has
discovered to be Larcher.

SURGETI ENCHIRIDION 173

is a folio — an Eutropius, with the continuation by Paulus
Diaconus^- There is a copy of the other in the University
Library, Cambridge, and as, except for a reference in Panzer to
a copy in the Bibliotheca Telleriana, this is the only mention of
it that I have come across, I will give its title in full. It runs
as follows : Johannis Surgeti nationis Galli Suessionensis dio-
cesis in legibus Ucentiati militaris discipline Enchiridion in quo
varie iuris materie et peregrine questiones continentur, cuius
finis est pads persuasio inter principes Christianas et belli ex-
hortatio in saracenos et infideles hostes religionis catholice.
Below the title is the mark of Jean Petit, and his address
alone appears on the title-page, but in the colophon we learn
that GaUiot Du Pre shared the expense of publication and
that the work was for sale at the Golden Lily (the sign of Jean
Petit) and "at the second pillar of the hall of the Palace, at
the shop of the said Galliot Du Pr^." The privilege is of
April 6, 1511 (O.S.) ; it may therefore be presumed that the
book, being a small one, appeared not long after this, especially
as Jean de Ganay, the Chancellor of France, to whom it is
dedicated, died before June 1512^

The author says in his dedication that he had served for six
years under the late Juan de Cardona, presmnably a relative of
Ramon de Cardona, the Viceroy of Naples, but I know nothing
further of him, nor do I know his French name. The plea for
peace which fills the final fifteen pages of the Uttle book was
made at a time of general warfare. In October 1511 the "Holy
League" between Juhus II, Ferdinand, and Venice had been
published in Rome, and a month later Henry VIII had signified
his adhesion to it. The Swiss were employed by the Pope
as mercenaries and he was endeavouring to draw the Emperor
into the League. On Easter Sunday (April 11) , 1512, was fought
the battle of Ravenna, in which out of the 45,000 men between

1 Delalain, Notice Compl. (from Cat. E. Piot). It is printed by Gilles de
Gourmont.

* Finding that Archbishop Le Tellier bequeathed all his books to the
abbey of Sainte-Genevifeve, I thought that the copy of this work mentioned
by Panzer might be in the library of Sainte-Genevifeve. But the director,
M. Kohler, informed me that, though it is mentioned in a manuscript
catalogue of about 1752, it is not in the catalogue drawn up about 1800, and
that he can find no trace of it.

174 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR6

10,000 and 15,000 lay dead upon the field, and the French
victory was neutralised by the death of their brilUant young
general, Gaston de Foix. On May 3 the Lateran council was
opened, and the general of the Augustinians, Egidius of
Viterbo, preached a profoundly impressive and eloquent ser-
mon, in which, after referring amongst signs of the times to
the slaughter on Easter Day, he prayed for the purification
of Christendom, the expulsion of the Turks, and the revival
of Christian love. It was a noble exhortation, but it had no
effect on that most belligerent of Popes, Julius 11^. The
humble treatise of Surgetus was naturally no more efficacious;
it was not till 15 18 that a general peace was declared — a peace
which lasted three years.

It was a common practice with the booksellers of this period
to have, in addition to their regular places of business where
they lived, an open stall or lean-to, either inside or outside the
Palais de Justice. Those inside were placed either in one of the
corridors or galleries leading from one part of the building to
another, where they vied in attraction with the stalls of the
mercers and the drapers^, or on the steps which led up to the
Great Hall, or in the Hall itself by the pillars which supported
its two huge vaults'- There were eight of these piUars, but, as
a rule, only the first three were occupied by book-staUs, two at
each pillar. Sometimes the same bookseller had a staU at two
pillars, and at the close of the sixteenth century we find
Nicolas Bonfons, the head of the house "at the sign of St
Nicholas," established not only at all the first three pillars but
at the fourth as well*.

I have found no publication of Galliot Du Pr6 for the year
1513, but in 1514 he issued, besides two short Latin treatises,
four works of considerable size and importance; the Grand
Coustumier de France, and Les grandes chroniques, both of
these being first editions; Les grandes chroniques de Bre-

1 See Creighton, A history of the Papacy, v. 171-172. The sermon is
printed in Mansi, xiv.

" See Corneille's La GaUrie du Palais, especially Act i. Sec. 4-7.

' See Paris d, iravers les Ages, 1. 16, with a contemporary illustration
(p. 7).

* Renouard, Imprimeurs parisiens, pp. 401—402.

THE BOOKSELLERS DISTRICTS 175

taigne, by Alain Bouchard^, a work of considerable popularity
and of some value for the later history; and Montjoye's Le

pas des armes. This last is an account by the Chief Herald of
the jousts held on the occasion of the marriage of Louis XII
with Mary of England. The printing was finished on Decem-
ber 23, eight days before the King's death.

Les grandes chroniques is a translation, with additions, by
Pierre Desrey of the well-known Compendium super Fran-
corum gestis of Robert Gaguin. Founded, like the longer work
of Nicole Gilles, on the great collection of chronicles at Saint-
Denis, it shared its popularity throughout at least the first
half of the sixteenth century. It was pubUshed by Du Pre in
conjunction with Poncet Le Preux, one of the four "grands

■ libraires juris," whose device appears on the title-page. In
the following year they issued a new edition.

It was doubtless the success of these publications which on
May 16, 15 15, led Galliot Du Pre to take the step of renting
a house on the Pont Notre-Dame^. This new bridge, connect-
ing the island of the Cite with the north bank of the Seine,
had been completed in 1506, to take the place of the old one
which had collapsed in 1499. At this period there were two
districts of Paris to which the booksellers and printers were
in practice, though not by law, confined, — ^the neighbour-
hood of Notre-Dame in the Cite and the quarter of the Uni-
versity. The latter district, the limits of which are roughly
marked by the Church of St Severin, the Place Maubert, the
Pantheon, and the Place de la Sorbonne, was considerably
the larger. The printers and booksellers were here conveniently
situated under the eye of the University, whose colleges spread
over the whole district. The principal street was the Rue
Saint- Jacques, which extended from the Petit Pont to the
Porte Saint- Jacques, a distance of rather more than half a
mile. In its middle portion every house was occupied by
booksellers and those of kindred professions. M. Renouard
has counted over a hundred and sixty establishments occupy-

1 See La Borderie, £tude bibliographique sur les chroniques d' Alain
Bouchart, Rennes, 1889; Les Sources de I'hist. de France: Molinier, v 5424;
Hauser, i. 28.

2 Renouard, Documents sur les Imprimeurs, p. 81.

176 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR^

ing some eighty houses. They varied greatly in size, from that
of Jean Petit, who occupied two whole houses, the Silver Lion
and the Golden Fleur-de-Lys, to the small establishments in
different stories of the same house. Other booksellers' streets
in this quarter were the Rue des Cannes, the Rue du Mont
Saint-Hilaire, the Rue Saint- Jean-de-Beauvais, and the Rue
Saint- Jean-de-Latran.

The other booksellers' district consisted of a few streets in
the immediate neighbourhood of Notre-Dame, the chief being
the Rue du Marche-Palu (the continuation of the Rue Saint-
Jacques across the Petit Pont) with its continuation the Rue
de la Juiverie, and the Rue Neuve-Notre-Dame, which ran
from the Marche-Palu to the Parvis Notre-Dame. This
quarter was chiefly occupied by those who speciaHsed in re-
ligious books, particularly books of Hours, in romances of
chivalry, or in cheap popular works^. As we shall see, GaUiot
Du Pre did not belong to any of these classes, certainly not
to the first.

As is well known, houses in those days were distinguished
not by numbers, but by signs. On a change of occupation,
the old sign was generally retained, but sometimes the new
occupier introduced a new one. Thus Galliot Du Pre, by way
of a play upon his name, took for his sign a galley. He does
not appear to have used his new abode as a shop, for through-
out his career his books are offered for sale only at one of the
pillars in the hall of the Palais de Justice.

In 15 16, the year after his instalment in the house on the
Pont Notre-Dame, he published a new edition of the Grand
Coustumier, the editio princeps of the Latin version of the
Songe du Verdier, and, in association with two other book-
sellers, Jean Petit and Michel Le Noir, the first edition of the
romance of the Saint-Graal.

To 15 17 must be assigned a small work of considerable
interest, namely the French translation by Mathurin Du
Redouer, Licentiate of Law, of the Paesi novamente retrovati
e Novo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino intitulato, that
first collection of voyages, edited by Fracanzio da Montal-

' Renouard, Imprimeurs parisiens, p. xii.

1517-1520 177

boddo, which had been published at Vicenza in 1507. There
is no date to the book, but as the privilege is dated January
10, 1516 (O.S.), and the book has only 132 leaves of text, the
presumption is that it was pubhshed at any rate before the
end of the year 1517. It is entitled Le nouveau Monde et
Navigations faites par Emeric de Vespuce Florentin, and thus
gives even greater prominence to the name of Vespucci than
the original does^.

In the same year, 15 17, Galliot Du Pre began the most
important work, from the point of view of size, that he had
yet undertaken. This was the pubhcation in four volumes of
La mer des histoires et croniques de France, two books (i. pp. i-
270) being compiled from La mer des histoires and the rest
from Les grandes chroniques. The first and second volumes
appeared in 1517, and the other two in 1519.

From 1518 to 1520 Du Pre busied himself with the writings
of Francesco Patrizi, Bishop of Gaeta, pubUshing his De in-
stitutione reipublicae libri novem in 1518 and 1520, his Enneas
de regno et regis institutione in 1519, and a translation of the
former work, Livre tres fructueux et utile a toute personne de
I' institution et administration de la chose publicque, in 1520.
Both works were in repute throughout the sixteenth century,
and the De regno was edited in 1567 by the well-known
scholar, Denys Lambin.

The copy of the 1520 edition of the De institutione rei-
publicae in the University Library, Cambridge, has the auto-
graph of Gulielmus Ccecellus, I5/J.2 and W. C. on the stamped
calf bmding. It thus recalls the one romance in the staid life

* There was a copy in the Didot library (Catalogue of 1881, No. 472).
See also RaccoUa di documenti e studi pubblicata dalla Commissions Colom-
hiana, vi. 154-155. InQuaritch's General Catalogue, Vl. 3793, it is claimed that
this is the first edition of the French translation on the ground first, that it
has a privilege, amd secondly, that it has in Vespucci's third voyage three
diagrams of southern constellations which are wanting in the other early
editions. This is, doubtless, a just claim. The only two editions that could
possibly be earlier both bear the name and mark of the Scu de France. One
of these has also the sign of Jehan Jehannot, and was printed by him. It
therefore belongs to the period, 1512-1522, during which he was associated
with his mother-in-law, the widow of Jean Trepperel. The other, which has
no printer's name, but only the mark and name of the £cm de France, is in
the same type, but the type is thicker and less clear, and the capitals are
less elaborate. For an account of the original Italian work see above, pp. 27 f .

178 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PRE

of William Cecil, the great Lord Burghley. In 1541, after
spending six years at St John's College, Cambridge, he left
the university without taking a degree ; in July of that year he
married Mary Cheke, the daughter of an Esquire Bedell'swidow
who had set up as a wine-merchant, and the sister of his tutor,
John Cheke, who a year previously had been appointed Pro-
fessor of Greek; on May 5, 1542, a son, the ancestor of the
present Marquess of Exeter, was bom at Cambridge; on
February 22, 1544, the young wife died. The inference from
the above facts is that the parents of William Cecil — ^his
father was a rich Northamptonshire squire — removed him
from Cambridge on hearing that he had fallen in love with
a penniless girl, and that he, less obedient than Gibbon, then
married her in secret. The Chekes, be it said, came of a good
family, whose residence at Mottistone in the Isle of Wight is
still standing, with the date of 1567 over the door^. John
Cheke, as is weU known, became tutor to the future Edward VI
and Provost of King's College. He was knighted in 1552, the
year after his brother-in-law.

In 1520, as we learn from the title-page of the Livre tres
fructueux, the printing of which was finished on April 30, Du
Pr6 transferred his stall from the second to the third pillar of
the Great Hall of the Palais de Justice. Not long afterwards
(before February 16, 1521) he was appointed one of the
libraires jures^, and at Midsummer 1521 he renewed the lease
of his house on the Pont Notre-Dame. In March 152 1 he
published a translation of the most popular of Petrarch's
Latin treatises, the De remediis utriusque fortunae. In the
dedicatory epistle addressed to Charles, Due de Vendome, he
attributes the translation to Nicolas Oresme, the well-known
translator, through Latin versions, of the Ethics and Politics
of Aristotle. But Leopold DeUsle has shown that it is
really the work of Jean Daudin, a canon of the Sainte-
Chapelle*- The preface, it may be noted, is written in the

1 It belongs to General Seely, and oddly enough the tenant-farmer who
was living there in 19 19 married a Miss Cheke.

2 See Du Pr6's edition of Sueione Tranquille.

' Notices et exiraits des manuscrits de la bibliothdque nationale et autres
bibliothiques, xxxiii. pp. 273 ff.

1522-1524. COMMINES 179

latinised style, with its lumbering sentences and redundant
vocabulary, of the average writer of the sixteenth century.
It is the style of the grand rhetoriqueurs without their worst
affectations. In another of Galliot Du Pre's prefaces, that to
Mehadus (1528), the style is much simpler. It is very likely
that he did not write his own prefaces.

In September of the next year (1522) Du Pre moved to the
Rue des Marmouzets, a short street which ran from the Rue
de la Juiverie (now the Rue de la Cit6) to the archway leading
into the cloister of Notre-Dame. His house is described as
being near to the Church of La Madeleine, which was in the
Rue de la Juiverie^. According to M. Renouard's Hst of
addresses, he was the only bookseller in the street, for Gilles
Corrozet did not go there tiU after Du Pre's death, and Jean
de La Garde, who was burnt in April 1538 for having bought
some heretical books from Jean Morin, the printer of the
Cymhalum Mundi^, had left it in 1512. Du Pre transferred
his old sign of a galley to his new abode.

I have found only two publications for the year 1523, an
Epitome in French of Bude's De Asse, and the editio princeps
of Ysaie le friste, a late fifteenth century prose romance, which
relates the fortunes of the son of Tristan and Yseult of Corn-
wall.

In 1524 Du Pre having changed his stall for the second
time, moving to the first pUlar, pubUshed the first edition of
a very notable work, the Cronique et histoire of Phihppe de
Commines. The date of the privilege is February 3, 1523
(O.S.), and the printing was finished on April 26'. It was
incorrectly printed and whole passages were suppressed. It
was followed by a new edition in September, by a third in
the following September (1525), and by a fourth and fifth in
January and February, 1526. All these editions contain only
six books, relating to the reign of Louis XI. The last two
books, which Commines wrote in 1497 and 1498, and which

1 See G. Corrozet, La fieur des antiquiUs de Paris, ed. P. Lacroix, 1874,
pp. 103 and 105, and the map of Paris by Truschet and Hoyau (1552), part
of which is reproduced by M. Delalain, Notice Compl. p. 9.

2 See Herminjard, Correspondance des rSformateurs , iv. 418-420.

' The date of the first edition is sometimes wrongly given as 1523.

i8o A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PB±

deal with the Italian expedition of Charles VIII, were first
printed for EnguUbert de Marnef in 1528. Du Pr6 pubHshed
editions of the complete work in 1546 and 1552, both in
association with Jean de Roigny. The edition of 1:552 was
edited by Denis Sauvage, who first introduced the division
into books and chapters and gave the work the title of
Memoires. Du Pre began another edition in 1560, but he did
not five to see it completed, and it appeared, after his death,
in 1561.

Two other interesting pubhcations of Du Pre's belong to
the year 1524: a greatly enlarged edition of Tiraqueau's De
legibus connuhialihus, in the preparation of which the author
was in all hkelihood assisted by his friend Rabelais, and
Jacques MerUn's Quatuor concilia generalia in two volumes.
Merlin, who died in 1541 and was buried in Notre-Dame at
Paris, was a Canon of that church. He wrote a defence of
Origen, for which he was pounced upon by the redoubtable
Noel B^dier, and edited the works of the Scottish mystic
Richard of St Victor. In 1527 he was imprisoned in the Louvre
by the King's order for favouring the new doctrines, and was
only released at the end of two years.

The chief pubhcation of 1525 was Les tres elegantes, tres
veridiques et copieuses annates of Nicole Gilles, which, as I
have said, shared the popularity of Desrey's translation of
Gaguin's Compendium. It was first pubUshed in 1492, but no
copy of this edition is known. After the author's death (in
1503) niunerous editions with continuations appeared — ^in
1510, 1520, 1525, 1527, 1531, 1538, 1544, 1547, 1549, 1551,
1552, all except the first two and those of 1544 and 1551 being
published by Galliot Du Pre.

With the exception of a new edition — the fovulh — of
Commines none of Du Pr^'s publications for 1526 were of a
historical character. They included the editio princeps of
Mabrian, a fifteenth century continuation of Maugis d'Aigre-
mont, Alain Chartier's Les faicts et dictz, and a volume en-
titled Traictez singuliers, which contained works by Chaste-
lain, Mohnet, and Cretin, the three successive chiefs of the
rketoriqueur school, and by Jean Lemaire de Beiges, the

1526-1528 i8r

nephew and disciple of Molinet. They are all in verse except
Chastelain's Epitaphes de Hector et Achilles, which is partly
in prose and partly in verse^. The volume opens with Trots
conies intitules de Cupido et Apropos, traduits de I'itaUen de
Seraphin, le second et tiers de I'invention de Jean Lemaire. As
a matter of fact, the first of these is not a translation from
Serafino but an original poem founded on one of his sonnets.
It is written in terza rima. The second conte is a continuation
of the same story, while the third is not by Jean Lemaire^.
Serafino Ciminelli of AquUa, who died young in 1500, had a
great contemporary reputation, especially for his strambotti,
short poems full of conceits and extravagance, which he used
to sing to the accompaniment of the lute. His poetry was
much admired in France. There are traces of its influence in
Marot and Saint-Gelais's poems, but the poet whom it most
affected was Maurice Sc^ve*.

In the Esperon de discipline (1532) of Antoine du Saix, a
Canon of Notre-Dame de Bourg-en-Bresse and a friend of
Rabelais, there is an interesting list of the popular books of
the day. It includes

La Maguelonne et Pierre de Prouvence,
Le Peregrin pour fraische souvenance
Ou Scelestine et le Perseforest,
Roland, Maugis, Dardaine la Forest,
Prison d'amours, addition et glose,
Finablement le Roman de la Rose*,

and it is interesting to find that five of these were published
by Galhot Du Pre from 1526 to 1528, the Roman de la Rose,
edited and rejuvenated by Clement Marot, and La prison
d'amours, a translation of Diego de San Pedro's sentimental
love-story. Car eel de Amor, in 1526; La Celestine, a transla-
tion through the Italian of the famous Spanish tragi-comedy
of Calistoy Melibea, and Le Peregrin, a translation by Frangois
Dassy of Caviceo's Libro del peregrine (a prolix love-story,

1 Picot, Cat. Rothschild, i. no. 487. The edition mentioned by Panzer
under the date of 1521 is clearly the same as this.

' A. Becker, Jean Lemaire, Strasbourg, 1893, pp. 254 ff.

' See Tilley, Dawn of the French Renaissance, pp. 141-142, and the re-
ferences in n.' of p. 142.

* Rev. des Uudes rabelaisiennes, ix. 246.

l82 A PARIS BOOKS'ELLER — GALLIOT DU Pk6

first printed at Parma in 1508) in 1527; and Perceforest in
1528.

For the six years, 1527-1532, Galliot Du Pre's publications
apparently become more numerous; at any rate more have
come down to us. One of the most notable is the well-known
Life of Bayard by Le loyal Serviteur, who is probably to be
identified with Bayard's secretary, Jacques de Mailles. Du
Pre published it in 1527, but M. Roman, the modern editor
of the work, thinks there was an earlier edition pubhshed in
1524 (not necessarily by Du Pre), the year of Bayard's death.
The spirit of mediaeval chivalry is also represented — ^less
nobly, but with greater variety — ^in the four foKo volumes of
Froissart, which Du Pre pubhshed in association with Jean
Petit in 1530. Another considerable undertaking — this he
shared with Frangois Regnault — was the Illustrations de la
Gaule Belgique, antiquites du pays de Haynau et de la grand
cite de Beiges d present dicte Bavay, 3 vols. fo. 1531-1532^, an
abridged translation of the Latin chronicle of Jacques de Guise,
a Franciscan who died at Valenciennes in 1398 — a few years
before Froissart and possibly in the same place 2. In 153 1 Du
Pr^ published the historical work of yet a third Hainaulter,
Jean Lemaire de Beiges, but to this I shall return presently.

The prose romances of chivalry appealed more or less to
the same tastes as Froissart, and we find Du Pre pubHshing
in 1528 not only Perceforest but also La conqueste de Grece,
and Meliadus de Leonnoys, and in 1530 Perceval le Gallois.
All were first editions; two, Perceforest and Meliadus.hyveason
of the prominent part played in them by tournaments seemed
particularly suited to an age which delighted in the outward
shows of chivalry.

In the year 1531 Galliot Du Pre was particularly active.
I have already mentioned the first volume of the Illustrations
de Belgique, and of Les Illustrations de Gaule of Jean Lemaire ;
of Le livre d'or of Guevara I shall speak presently. To these
must be added the Speculum Principum ac Justitiae, a work

' It was intended to be in four volumes, but it was completed in three.
'^ Froissart died soon after 1404, either at Chimay, where he was a Canon,
or at Valenciennes, his birthplace. Jacques de Guise was born at Mons.

SIDRACH. THE NOVUS ORBIS 183

of the fifteenth century, and Sidrach a work of the four-
teenth. The author of the Speculum was Pedro Belluga, a
lawyer of Valencia, who entered the service of Alfonso I of
Naples and Sicily, to whom the work is dedicated. He died
in 1468, having been bom about 1395 (he entered the
University of Bologna in 1410) ^ Sidrach la fontaine de toutes
sciences, as it is usually called, was a highly popular work in
the Middle Ages. In Du Pre's edition it is entitled Mil et
quatre vingtz et quatre demandes avec les solutions et responses
a toutes propoz, ceuvre curieux et moult recreatif selon le saige
Sidrach. M. Langlois believes it to have been written by an
unknown writer during the last quarter of the fourteenth
century, and he adds, "Quel qu'ait ete I'auteur ou I'ar-
rangeur...une chose est hors de doute: c'^tait un sot." The
first printed edition, which contains 1073 questions, was
pubhshed by Verard in i486 (O.S.) ^. Another publication of
1531 was Les ditz moraulx des philosophes translated from the
Latin by Guillaume de Tignonville.

In Froissart and the romances it was not only the courtly
spirit of chivalry but the underlying human element of adven-
ture whichstirred the imagination of sixteenth century readers.
Du Pre early in his career had printed Vespucci's account
of his voyages. Now in October 1532 he published a reprint
of the most important collection of voyages which had yet
appeared. This was the Novus Orbis of Simon Grynaeus (as it
is always called, though Gr5aiaeus only contributed a preface)
first published at Basle in the preceding March. Du Pre sub-
stituted for the map generally attributed to Sebastian
Miinster a far superior one by Oronce Fine^.

Very different in appearance to this imposing Latin folio
on the geography of the world was the little i6mo French
book of 71 leaves on the geography of Paris which Du Pre
published in the same year. Like the Novus Orbis it was a
reprint, the original edition having been published by Denys

^ For Belluga see Fust^r, Bib. Valenciania, Valencia, 2 vols. 1827-1830,
I. 27.

^ Ch. V. Langlois, La Connaissance de la Nature et du Monde au Moyen
Age, 1911, pp. 180 ff. And see Ward, Catalogue of Romances, i. 903 fi.

' For an account of this ■work see above, p. 137.

l84 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR6

Janot in the previous March. Its author was Gilles Corrozet,
poet, antiquary, and bookseller, and its title was La Fleur des
antiquites, singularites et excellences de la noble et triumphante
cite de Paris^ It was, in fact, the first guide-book to
Paris.

Spanish literature seems to have attracted Du Pre; he
published two French translations of famous Spanish works,
one, already mentioned, of the tragicomedia Calisto y
Melibea, better known as La Celestina, and the other of
Guevara's Libro aureo de Marco Aurelio. The latter, by Rene
Bertaut de la Grise {Lime d'or de Marc Aurele), appeared in
1531 ; two years before Du Pre had pubUshed the same work
- — ^it had been surreptitiously printed at Seville earUer in the
year — ^in the original Spanish. It was not the only Spanish
book published in France at this period. The Celestina, the
poems of Boscan and GarcUaso de la Vega in a single volume,
and other works were printed either at Paris or at Lyons in
their original tongue. Probably they were intended for the
Spanish market, rather than for home consumption.

The French books, other than those of an historical charac-
ter, published by Galliot Du Pre during these six years have
a special interest, in that they illustrate the change that was
taking place in French literature — the decKne of the grand
rhetoriqueur school, the return to good sense and simphcity,
and the "illustration" of the French language, after a long
interval of dullness and imbecility, by works of real hterary
merit. Thus from 1527 to 1529 we find Du Pre still pubUshing
works of the rhetoriqueur school: in 1527 Chants royaulx,
oraisons et autres petits traictez by GuUlaume Cretin, the last
chief of the rhetoriqueur school, who had recently died, and
a volume of 350 rondeaux of which the authorship has been
attributed to Pierre Gringore ; in 1528 the still highly popular
poem, Les lunettes des princes, of Jean Meschinot (d. 1509),
a translation of Ovid Epistles by Octovien de Saint-Gelais,
and a new work by Gringore, Notables enseignemens, adages et
proverbes, written in eight-Uned stanzas ; in 1529 Saint-Gelais's
translation of the A eneid and GuiUaume Michel's translation

1 There is a modern rephnt (1874) by Paul Lacroix (Bibliophile Jacob).

1529-1532 r85

of the Eclogues and Georgics in a single volume, and a new
edition of Gringore's poem.

On the other hand during the years 1529-1531 he produces
works of an earher period; the ever-popular Roman de la
Rose, in two editions, one in folio (1531), like the edition of
1526, and the other in small octavo with 31 new and pretty
woodcuts^; the works of Alain Chartier; and Martin Le
Franc's Le Champion des Dames. The last work, which was
presented to PhiUp the Good, Duke of Burgundy, in 1442,
had met with little success when it was first printed at Lyons
in 1490. Du Pre was doubtless prompted to republish it by
the fact that the time-honoured controversy on the subject
of women was once more in full activity. He showed his im-
partiality by publishing in the same year the Contredits de
Songecreux, a satirical poem of much vigour by Jehan du
Pontalais, known as Songecreux, who took the other side
to Le Franc.

It is true that Jean Lemaire de Beiges, of whose magnum
opus Du Pre published a new edition in 1531, was brought up
in the rhetoriqueur school, being the relative and ward of Jean
Molinet, but he had felt the breath of the Renaissance, as the
true rhetoriqueur had never felt it, and he had, as none of
them had, except Georges Chastellain, a real gift for writing
both in verse and prose. In Les Illustrations de Gaule he
meant to immortahse himself as a historian, but much of his
history is fabulous, and his real talent is for narrative and
picturesque description ^

In 1532 Du Pre more definitely marked the coming change
in literature by publishing in an uniform series Gringore's Le
Chasteau de Labour — the most popular of his poems, first
printed in 1499 and translated into EngUsh by Alexander
Barclay^ — Pathelin, Coquillart, and ViUon, adding to each
volume, except Pathelin, some new matter, either spurious or
doubtful. Thus the edition of Villon includes Le dialogue des

1 See F. W. Bourdillon, The early editions of the Roman de la Rose, 1906
(printed for the Bibliographical Society), pp. 57-62 and 88-91.

2 I have discussed Lemaire at some length in The Dawn of the French
Renaissance, pp. 333-352.

^ The Casiell of Labour was first printed in Paris for Verard circ. 1503.

i86 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PRE

seigneurs de Mallepane et Baillevent, and the excellent Mono-
logue du franc archier de Baillevent. This year, 1532, was a
memorable one in the history of French hterature, for it saw
the pubhcation of the first works of real literary genius which
had appeared in France for at least sixty years, the first
siace Villon's he grand testament and Pathelin — ^Marot's
Poems and Rabelais's Pantagruel.

In the following year Du Pr^ added a fifth volume to his
series, namely a new edition of Villon, edited by Marot, in
which all the spurious pieces were omitted and the old corrupt
text was carefully purified. As Pathelin, CoquHlart, and ViUon
were all well known to the author of Pantagruel we may
regard Du Pre's latest publications as happUy associating him
not only with Marot but also with Rabelais.

After the year 1532 Galhot Du Pre's publications become
less numerous, and their character less interesting and instruc-
tive. At this point, therefore, it will be convenient to con-
sider the character of his pubhcations as a whole.

In the first place it will be noticed that, as I said at the
outset, he shows a decided predilection for history. He
pubhshes not only popular and uncritical compilations like
La mer des histoires, Desrey's translation of Gaguin's Com-
pendium, and especially the Chroniques of Nicole Gilles, of
which he issued altogether foiu- editions, but he introduces
the Memoirs of Commines to the world, and reprints them
several times. Further, he shares in the pubhcation of a new
edition of Froissart, and he shows his interest in the cognate
subject of poUtical science, by pubUshing the works of
Francesco Patrizi, the Latin version of the Songe du Verdier,
and the Speculum principum ac justitiae. He publishes, too,
if not the first, at any rate the oldest existing edition of that
delightful work, the Life of Bayard by Le loyal Serviteur.
The poetry pubhshed by him comprises the Roman de la Rose,
Le Champion des Dames, Alain Chartier, works of the rhe-
toriqueur school (including several works by Jean Bouchet),
Villon, Coquillart, and Gringore. The drama is well repre-
sented by Pathelin. He pubhshes seven romances of chivalry,
five for the first time. All except two belong to the Arthurian

GENERAL CHARACTER OF PUBLICATIONS 187

cycle, the representations of which, with the possible excep-
tion of Le petit Artus (the connexion of which with the cycle
is extremely shght), never descended in the form of popular
chap-books to the lowest stratum of French readers. This
choice of romances is, in itself, enough to show that Galliot
Du Pre did not cater for the popular taste, but for the nobles
and the better class of bourgeois.

Besides the romances, mediaeval prose is represented by
such favourite works as Sidrach, Le Mirouer historial, and
Les ditz moraulx des philosophes. The beginnings of Renais-
sance prose are marked by Jean Lemaire's Illustrations de
Gaule, though its publication by Du Pre, as well as its general
popularity, was probably due more to its historical character
than to its real merits of style.

Of translations, which played so considerable a part in the
revival of learning and literature, we have Caesar, Cicero,
Virgil, Ovid, Quintus Curtius, Suetonius, Apuleius, Dionysius
of Hahcamassus, and Josephus, both these last through Latin
versions; a single work of Petrarch, an extract from Boccaccio's
II Filocolo, Le Peregrin, II libra aureo, II carcel de amor, and
Celestine. But all these translations were more or less un-
skilful and inadequate, and were soon afterwards superseded.

Classical authors in their original tongue are conspicuously
absent. There is not a single Greek book, and classical Latin
is represented only by Eutropius (with Paulus Diaconus).
Erasmus and Bude, the rivals for the primacy of European
scholarship, appear respectively in a garbled translation of
the Encomium Moriae, and an epitome in French of the De
Asse.

Geographical discovery, — the discovery of the world, as
humanism was the discovery of man, — ^is represented by two
works, Le Nouveau Monde and the Novus Orbis. In this timid
and tentative attitude towards the Renaissance, Galliot Du
Pre accurately reflected the Hterary tastes of the ordinary
educated Frenchman of his day. The study of the classics was
still confined to a select circle of humanists; it was only in
1529 that the victory of Greek was assured, and it had not
yet had time to bear fruit. Such translations from the Greek

l88 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR6

as had appeared hitherto were all made from Latin versions.
Of translations from the Latin the only one of any literary
merit was Marot's verse rendering of two books of the Meta-
morphoses (1532). The Italian works which most influenced
the French Renaissance, the Cortegiano, the Arcadia, the
Principe, Ariosto's Comedies and Orlando Furioso, were still
untranslated. The Decameron was still represented by the
mediaeval paraphrase — for it was little more — of Laurent Du
Premierfait.

Thus Galliot Du Pre was influenced in his choice of works
for publication by sound business instincts, by a legitimate
desire to satisfy the demands of the "general reader" of his
day. And within his field of operation he showed not only
judgment but enterprise, publishing several new works which
hit the pubhc taste and put money into his pocket.

Another source of profit besides the ordinary sale of books,
of which publishers availed themselves at this period, was the
production of special copies, printed on vellum and adorned
with illuminated woodcuts. In a few cases they were in the
strict sense presentation copies, but as a rule they were
destined for noble patrons who, judging by an extant bill
sent in by Verard, paid for them pretty heavily. Du Pr6
adopted this practice almost at the outset of his career, by
printing copies on vellum of the two editions of Desrey's
Chroniques, which he published in 1514 and 1515. Van Praet
mentions three copies of the former, one of which has twenty
miniatures, and another sixteen^- Another early veUum copy
of Du Pr^'s production is that of Le temple de Jehan Boccace,
adorned with three miniatures, one of which represents the
author (?) offering his book to Francis I^. Special mention
must also be made of the vellum copies of the Encomium
trium Mariarum (a work to be mentioned presently); they
contain a full-page woodcut of the three Marys, which is
absent from the paper copies*.

To the year 1522 belongs the unique Les coustumes du pays

1 2nd part, iii. ho. 95.

2 Van Praet (i), v. no. 91.

' Bernard, Geofroy Tory, pp. 359 flf. ; Brunet ; Bib. Nat. There is a vellum
copy in the Bib. Mazarin.

VELLUM COPIES 189

ef duche de Bourbonnoys, with illuminated initials, and an
elaborate title-page, on which are the initials of Pierre de
Beaujeu, his wife Anne, the able and ambitious daughter of
Louis XI, and their son-in-law, Charles de Bourbon, Constable
of France since 1515. The work is dedicated to Anne de
Beaujeu by her Chancellor, Pierre Papillon, and this par-
ticular copy, the only one that is known — probably very few
copies were printed — ^was evidently destined either for Anne
or her son-in-law^. Other notable vellum copies produced by
Galliot Du Pre are those of the French translation of Platina,
with 228 portraits in the initial letters^ ; the Roman de la Rose
of 1526, with ninety-five miniatures^; the Nicole Gilles of
1525, with fourteen miniatures, and with tlie arms of Charles,
Due de Vendome, to whom the work is dedicated, on the first
leaf of each volume*; the Triumphante et glorieuse victoire
(1527)*, with nine miniatures; the Virgil (1529), with thirty-
one *-

Du Pre's chief patron was Charles d'Urfe (grandfather of
the author of L'Astree), for whom five of his extant vellum
copies were executed. Head of an ancient family of La Forez,
he was squire in ordinary to Francis I, who in 1535 appointed
him bailiff of his native province. It was not till the next reign
that he became really prominent, being successively envoy
to the Cotmcil of Trent (1548), ambassador to the Holy See
(1549-1553), and governor to the Dauphin and his brothers.
He had a fine Ubrary, part of which he had inherited from his
mother-in-law, Mme d'Entragues^. Du Pre's connexion with
him appears to date from 1531, when he produced for him
a vellum copy of Bouchard's Grandes chroniques de Bretaigne^.
The arms of the same patron are also found on vellum copies
of the French Lactantius of 1543', of a Nicole Gilles of 1547

^ I have taken this description from a note in the Monmerqu6 Catalogue
(1&51), which has been copied into both the Yemeniz and Didot (1879)
Catalogues. The book is undated, but as it contains an extract from the
registers of the Pavlement, dated March 20, 1522 (N.S.) (Brunet), and as Anne
died in November 1522, it certainly belongs to that year.

2 Van Praet (i), v. no. 23. ' Ih. iv. no. 1623.

* lb. V. no. 1525. * lb. V. no. 48. « lb. iv. no. 102.

' A. Bernard, Les D'Urfi (1839),, pp. 45-51.

" Van Praet, v. no. 168. » lb. i. no. 375.

igo A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PRE

(with sixty-five miniatures) ^, of Instructions sur le faict de la
guerre (1548), and of Jean Bouchet's Les triumphes de la noble
et amoureuse dame (1535) ^. Of two vellum copies of Josephus's
Jewish Antiquities, which were in the Due de la Valliere's
library, one, which bore D'Urfe's arms, has disappeared, but
the other, which has nimibered among its possessors Francis I,
Diane de Poitiers, and Count d'Hoym, is now in the Biblio-
thdque Nationale^-

I need not enumerate all the other vellmn copies produced
by Du Pre. About a dozen more are recorded by Van Praet,
and there were two, Le Peregrin and the French translation of
Quintus Curtius, in the Harleian Ubrary^. They serve to show
that Du Pre had numerous patrons among princes and nobles,
and that consequently, in his choice of works of publication,
he doubtless consulted their taste.

It will have been noticed that several of Du Pre's publica-
tions, more especially those of considerable size, were pub-
lished by him in temporary partnership with other book-
sellers. We find him associated in this way with many of the
leading men of his profession, with Jean Petit, with Josse
Badius and his two sons-in-law, Michael de Vascosan and
Jean de Roigny, with Poncet Le Preux, whose career ex-
tended to fifty-eight years, with Simon de Colines, with
Jean Longis, and with Pierre Vidoue, and occasionally with
provincial publishers. Sometimes in these joint publica-
tions each partner had a different title-page for the copies
sold by him; thus in some of the cases referred to above
Galhot Du Pr6 and his associate are both represented by the
extant copies of the book^. Sometimes, if the book comprises
several volumes, one publisher's mark or name appears in one
or more volumes, and the other's in the remaining volumes.
In other cases, chiefly with books pubUshed near the begin-
ning of his career, Du Pre's name appears only in the colophon,
and not on the title-page. The reason for this may either be

1 Cat. MacCarthy, ii. no. 4525.

* Cat. La Vallifere, 11. no. 3001.

' Cat. La Valli^re, iii. no. 4806; Van Praet, iv. no. 53.

' Bib. Harl. in. nos. 3201 and 3218.

^ E.g. in La mer des histoires et croniques de France (1517).

PRINTERS EMPLOYED BY DU PRE 191

that he occupied a subordinate position in the partnership,
or that all the copies in which his name appears on the title-
page have disappeared.

Numerous printers were employed bj' him in the course of
his long career, but during that period of it which we are now
considering, three especially enjoyed his favour. These were
Pierre Vidoue, and the brothers Nicolas and Antoine Cousteau.
Pierre Vidoue was a man of real distinction in his profession,
whose work amply justified the quahfication which he assumes
of Chalcographie artis peritissimus. He began to exercise his
art, according to M. Renouard, in 1510. It is in 1518 that
we first find him working for GalUot Du Pre, and from that
date down to 1524 he printed for him various works, including
the Coustumes de Bourbonnoys, Ysaie le triste, the Epitome of
Bude's De Asse, and Tiraqueau's De legibus connubialibus. In
1521 he made his first appearance as a Greek printer, with an
impression of the curious and popular Hieroglyphica of
Horapollo in Greek and Latin. But the most remarkable
production of his Greek press is the complete series of
Aiistophanes's Comedies, edited by Jean Cheradame, which he
printed for Gilles de Gourmont from November 1528 to
March 1529. At this time he possessed some Hebrew type,
for the verse of the 37th Psalm, " I have been young, and now
am old : yet have I not seen the righteous forsaken, nor his
seed begging bread," is printed in Hebrew as well as Greek
on the title-page of each play^. In 1528 he also printed Demo-
sthenes's Olynthiac orations. In 1538 he printed Guillaume
Postel's first work, the alphabets of twelve languages. His
connexion with GaUiot Du Pre seems to have temporarily
ceased after 1524, but from 1528 to 1531 he was again em-
ployed by him, printing for him in 1530 the long poem of
Martin Le Franc and in 1531 the translation of Caesar.

During the years 1524 to 1527 Du Pre chiefly employed
either Nicolas or Antoine Cousteau. They were sons of Gilles
Cousteau, Nicolas, who succeeded to his father's stall in the
Palais de Justice, being apparently the elder ^- It was Antoine
who printed for Du Pre the first three editions of Commines
1 See above, p. 132. ^ Renouard, op. cit. p. 85.

192 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PRE

and the Nicole Gilles of 1525, while to Nicolas he entrusted
the Life of Bayard, the Celestina, Meliadus, and Perceforest.
In 1529 and 1530 Antoine was employed by him concuirently
with Pierre Vidoue^ — he printed the Froissart of 1530 — and at
a later period we find Du Pre entrusting more work to Nicolas,
the French Josephus and two other books in 1534, and La
mer des histoires in 1536.

Among the printers whom he employed only occasionally
was Jacques Ny verd, who, together with another bookseller,
Jean Andre, acted as the spy and bloodhound of the terrible
First President of the Paris Parlement, Pierre Lizet. He
printed for Du Pr6 two romances, Mdbrian and La conqueste
de grece, the former, presimiably, in 1526, and the latter in
1528. He lived in the Rue de la Juiverie, near the Pont Notre-
Dame, and therefore not far from Du Pre in the Rue des
Marmouzets. With such a neighbour it was lucky for our
publisher that his faith was above suspicion, and that
in the year 1529, when French Protestantism suffered a
severe blow by the execution of Berquin, he pubHshed a work
which was stamped with the seal of orthodoxy. This was a
collection of three Latin theological treatises, tria aurea
opuscula, by Jean Bertaud of P^rigueux. The first is entitled
Encomium triarum Mariarum cum earundem cultus defensione
adversus Luther anas ; the second is an office for their worship ;
the third treats of their relationship with St John the
Baptist. The three Maries are the Virgin Mary, Mary the
wife of Cleopas, and Salome the wife of Zebedee, who, ac-
cording to the orthodox belief of that time, was originally
called Mary, and, together with the wife of Cleopas, was
supposed to be half-sister to the Virgin. But Leffevre
d'fitaples, in the same treatise (1517) in which he denied the
identity of Mary the sister of Lazarus with Mary Magdalene
and "the woman who was a sinner," also questioned the
received view about the three Maries. He was answered on
both points by Noel B6dier, the well-known champion of the
Sorbonne, whose second treatise. Apologia pro filiahus et
nepotibus beatae Annae, appeared in February 1520, just after
the writings of Luther had begun to circulate in Paris. Thus

RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION 193

the cult of the three Marys came to be regarded as a sign of
orthodoxy.

Two of the printers whom Galliot Du Pre employed suffered
for their religious opinions, namely, Simon Du Bois and Antoine
Augereau. The former printed for him the posthumous
volume of Cretin (1527) and Gringore's Notables enseigne-
mens (January 1527 (O.S.)). At the outset of his career he
had been bold enough to print, in the dangerous year 1525,
Lefevre's translation of the New Testament, and in April 1529,
when Berquin suffered at the stake, he was engaged in printing
the Livre de vraye et parfaite oraison, a translation of one of
Luther's writings, which is possibly from Berquin's pen. In
the following year he fled to Alengon, the capital of Margaret's
duchy, where he printed her Miroir de I'dme pecheresse in
1531. In 1533 he returned to Paris, but after the Affair of
the Placards his name figured on the Ust of suspect Lutherans
who had fled from Paris (January 25, 1535), and he dis-
appears from our view^. About the fate of his fellow-Pro-
testant, Antoine Augereau, the printer of Gringore's Chasteau
de Labour (1532), the Libri de re rusfica (1534), and the Novus
Orbis (1534), there is no obscurity. On Christmas Eve, 1534,
two months after the printing of this last book was finished,
he was hanged and burnt in the Place Maubert. His offence
was grave indeed; he had not only printed two editions of Le
Miroir, but had included in the second of these Marot's trans-
lation of Psalm VI*.

Such were the dangers to which booksellers and printers
were exposed in France in the winter of 1534-1535. The
Affair of the Placards had thoroughly frightened the king and
had aHenated the whole body of moderate reformers, and,
though in the sununer of 1536 Francis returned for a time to
a milder mood, this was mainly due to the war with Charles V,
which had broken out in the preceding April and left him no
leisure to deal with heretics. But after the truce of Nice and
the interview with the emperor at Aigues-Mortes, in July

^ See N. Weiss in Bulletin de la Soc. de I'hist. du protestantisme frangais,
XXXVI (1887), 669 ff., and xxxvii (1888), 152 fi., 432 ff., 500 ff.
2 Harrisse, Exc. Colomb. p. 129.

T.s.F.R. 13

194 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR^

1538, he adopted a policy of rigorous suppression, which he
maintained with unwonted consistency till his death, and
which was continued by his successor. Meanwhile, one of the
immediate effects of the Placards was that on January 13,
1535, the Father of Letters issued letters-patent forbidding
any book to be printed in France under the pain of death.
Fortunately, the ParUament declined to register this extra-
ordinary edict, and there was substituted for it another, in
which it was enacted that "the Parliament should choose
twenty-four persons duly quaUfied and provided with sureties,
out of whom the king would select twelve, and that these,
and no others, should print in Paris, but nowhere else, books
approved and necessary for the public welfare, without print-
ing any new composition, under pain of punishment"
(February 23, 1535)^- This edict, however, which was hardly
less absurd and arbitrary than its predecessor, remained a
dead letter. A milder form of censorship was prescribed by
an edict of December 28, 1537, by which it was enacted that
no book should be offered for sale until a copy of it had been
given to Mellin de Saint-Gelais, keeper of the royal library at
Blois, "in order to prevent the propagation of erroneous
doctrines^." In the face of these enactments it is amusing to
find Francis I, in an edict issued from Villers-Cotterets on
August 31, 1539, on the occasion of a threatened strike of the
Paris journeymen printers, declaring that he had always
"favoured and supported the art of printing good books and
good hterature." As a matter of fact, the censorship of the
press became more and more severe. We have seen how the
bookseller Jean de La Garde was burnt in April 1538 for his
connexion with the Cymbalum Mundi. hi 1539 both the
printer and the bookseller were required to put their names
in books*. In 1542 the University forbade the booksellers to
expose any books for sale until they had been examined, and
in the same year the Parhament ordered an inspection of all
the bookshops and printing-houses with a view to the seizure
of all heretical works.

• Catalogue des Actes de Francois I, iii. 23,

2 lb. 426.

' H. Hauser, Une gr^ve d'imprimeurs parisiens au XVI' si^cle, 1895.

METHODS OF DATING BOOKS 195

To return to Galliot Du Pre, with the exception of
Marot's edition of Villon, I have found no publications of his
which can be assigned with certainty to the year 1533. This
is doubtless due to the incompleteness of my researches.
There are, however, three works which have the date either of
January or of February, 1533, in the colophon, and which
may therefore possibly belong to that year according to the
modern reckoning. Any one who has had to do with French
books of the first half of the sixteenth century knows how
difficult it often is to determine the date of a book published
before Easter. For the new method of beginning the year on
January i, while it did not come into legal force till January
I, 1565, began to be used by printers and booksellers soon
after the year 1500, at first only sparingly, but as the years
went on with increasing frequency. The question becomes
doubly difficult when we are dealing with books which, like
Galliot Du Pre's, were printed by one man and sold by another.
The only way of arriving at any light on the subject is to give
the facts as they stand, classifying them as far as possible.
In the first place, then, we have a group of cases in which the
date is definitely stated to be before or after Easter, such as
Les grandes chroniques (April 15 14, after Easter), Lagenealogie
des rois de France (March 20, 1520, before Easter), Petrarcque,
Des remedes (March 15, 1523, before Easter), Catalogue des
Saints et des Saintes (March 3, 1524, before Easter). In none
of these instances is the printer's name given. Then we have
the single case of the De Regno of F. Patrizi, in which it is
stated in the colophon that the printing was finished on April
16, 1519, adRomanum calculum, Easter-day in 1519 being on
April 24. The printer was Pierre Vidoue, and we find him
using the same formula in the Hours of the Virgin, which he
printed for GuiUaume Godard in 1523^. Yet in the Aristo-
phanes, which he printed for Gilles de Gourmont in 1528 (O.S.),
he begins his year at Easter. Other instances might easily be
adduced to show that the printers and booksellers varied in
their practice. Sometimes, indeed, the same man would use

^ Cat. Didot, 1879, no. 140.

13 — 2

196 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR]^

both methods in the same book. For instance, in La prison
d' amours (No. 53) the year 1526 is on the title-page and the
year 1525 in the colophon, while in the Apologia pro filiabus
et nepotibus beatae Annae of Noel Bedier Josse Badius, who
both printed and sold the book, puts the year 15 19 on the
title-page, and the year 1520 in the colophon.

Thus in the absence of any available criterion, we are com-
pelled to deal with each case as a separate problem. Some-
times this is solved by the mention in the preface or body of
the book of some historical event. Sometimes we are en-
Ughtened by some fact connected with the life of the book-
seller or printer. For instance, the qualification of GaUiot Du
Pre as libraire jure on the title-page of the French translation
of Suetonius, printed by Pierre Vidoue, shows that the date in
the colophon, of February 16, 1520, must be referred to the
year 1521 (N.S.), for on April 20, 1520, as we know from Le
livre tres fructueux, he was not a libraire jure.

Another available help is the privilege, if there is one. It
was the usual practice for publishers to apply for a privilege
as soon as the book was ready for press, and to begin printing
almost immediately after it was granted. But sometimes the
printing was delayed. Thus, while Perceval le Gallois (No. 83),
with 220 leaves, was printed in less than five and a half
months from the date of the privilege, ten months elapsed
before Z,a/)moM d' amours (No. 53), which contains only eighty-
seven leaves, was finished. It was not a universal practice
to wait for the privilege before beginning to print a book,
and I have found one or two instances in which the date of
the privilege is only a few days earlier, and in one case even
a few days later, than that of the completion of the book.
Thus the privilege for La conqueste de grece is dated February
4, 1527 (O.S.), but the printing was finished on February 8,
1527 (O.S.). There was, however, a special reason for this, as
Du Pr6 had already been granted a privilege for the work in
November 1525, and this new privilege was in place of the
old one^. A similar instance, without any obvious explana-

' The appearance of the six volumes of Perceforest within fifteen months
of the privilege, is probably to be accounted for by the fact that the printing
■was begun before the privilege was granted.

DOUBTFUL CASES 197

tion, is the Temple de bonne renommie (No. 16), in which the
book is dated eight days after the completion of the
privilege.

Down to the year 1532 I have been able by means of the
privilege to determine the year in most of the doubtful
cases. But for three works with the imprint of January
or February 1533 I have no such guide. In the descriptions
of them — ^for I have not seen any of them — ^there is no men-
tion of a privilege. Two of them relate to agriculture, one
being an edition of the Libri de re rustica, pubhshed jointly
with Jean Petit^ and the other an edition of the French
translation of the Opus ruralium commodorum, of Piero
Crescenzi of Bologna. Made for Charles V, in 1373, the latter
was first pubhshed by Verard under the title of Livre des
prouffits champestres. Du Pre's edition, which has on the
title-page a woodcut of the pubhsher offering the work to
Francis I, is entitled Le bon Mesnager^. Bearing almost the
same date is a curious collection of miscellaneous treatises by
Guillaume Telin, a gentleman of Auvergne, entitled Brefsom-
maire des sept vertus, sept arts liberaux, etc? As up till now we
have had only one instance of the new method of beginning
the year being used in the colophon of GaUiot Du Pre's books*,
there is a strong presiunption in favour of all these three
books belonging to the year 1534. It is, however, just possible
that the Libri de re rustica may be dated according to the new
method: firstly, because it is in Latin; secondly, because it
was pubhshed in partnership with Jean Petit, whom I find
using the Roman method in a preface as early as 1507 5. These,

1 February 4, 1533.

2 January 15, 1533.

' February 12, 1533. The full title may be read in Brunet; his copy
came later into the possession of the late Baron de Ruble (Catalogue No.
688).

< There is one other probable exception. InBourdign^'sHisioiVed'^M/oM,
printed by Antoine Cousteau, the date in the colophon of the ordinary
paper copies is January 1529, but in a vellum copy (Bib. Nat.) October
1529. Unless the latter was printed first, which is unlikely, the dating of
the paper copies must be according to the new method.

^ Opus quadragesimcde Oliverii Maillardi. The date in the colophon is
February i, 1506.

198 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PRfi

however, are very slight reasons for abandoning the natural
presumption.

In any case, I can only find seven works, exclusive of
Marot's edition of Villon, for the two years 1533 and 1534. One
publication of the latter year calls for special mention, and
that is the Ordonnance of July 24 by which Francis I "ordered
the levy, after the example of the Romans, of a legion of 6000
foot-soldiers in each province of his kingdom ^. " Seven legions
— ^for Normandy, Brittany, Burgundy and Champagne,
Picardy, Dauphine and Provence, Languedoc, and Guienne —
were ordered, but it appears that only six were actually
raised. This measure was part of the preparation for a new
war with Charles V, which began in February 1536 with the
invasion of Savoy and Piedmont by the French King.

This was not the only royal ordinance which was entrusted
to Galliot Du Pre for publication. In 1535 he pubhshed a col-
lection of Ordinances made by successive kings from Charles
VII to Francis I, in 1536 the Latin text of the Concordat of
1516, and in 1539 in conjunction with two other booksellers
the very important Ordinances on the reform of justice which
Francis I issued from Villers-Cotterets in 1539.

Having these relations with the government, it was not sur-
prising that our publisher, who was evidently a man of much
prudence and worldly wisdom, should have steered clear of
publications that had the least savour of heresy, and should
rather have been anxious to pubhsh works which testified to
his strict orthodoxy. Thus from 1537 to 1541 we find him
issuing St Paul's Epistles and the Bible in Latin — ^both in
association with Simon de Colines — and two posthumous
works by Guillaume Petit, the King's late confessor.

He still continued his interest in history, publishing in 1535
the Supplemenfum chronicorum of FiUppo Foresti of Bergamo,
in 1550 Jean Du TiUet's Chronique des Roys de France, in 1557
the Gallica historia of Robert Ceneau, in 1558 the so-called
Chronique Scandaleuse; and issuing new editions of Nicole
Gilles (1547, 1549, 1552) and, as we have seen, of Commines.

During the years 1535 to 1537 Du Pr6 specially favoured

' Du Bellay, Mimoires, Bk. iv, edd. Boumlly and Vindry, u. 289.

HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS 199

Jean Bouchet. Thus he pubUshed in 1535 Les triumphes de la
noble et amoureuse dame, a mystical work of great popularity,
of which three editions had already appeared at Poitiers ; in
1536 a new edition of Les anciennes et modemes genealogies des
Rois de France^; and in 1537 a new edition of Bouchet's most
important work, Les Annates d'Aquitaine. In 1536 he pub-
lished a new edition, with continuations, of La mer des
histoires in two volumes, saying in the preface that it was
written in Latin in 1480 by Brocardus, and translated into
French by a native of Beauvaisis. He is right as to the
translator, who was a canon of Mello, near Beauvais, but
Brocardus or Burchard (a German Dominican, who spent ten
years in the monastery of Mount Si on) only wrote the de-
scription of the Holy Land in the original work^, which was
entitled Rudimentum noviciorum. At the very beginning of
1537, the printing having been finished on December 15, 1536,
appeared the Somme rurale of Jean BoutUUer, a summary of
French customary law, completed in the early part of the
fifteenth century, which enjoyed a high reputation even with
the great jurists of the huinanistic school. It was first printed
at Bruges by Colard Mansion in 1479, and it was the first
book printed at Abbeville (i486). In title and scope it closely
resembles Le grand Coustumier, which Du Pre published in
1514, and La Caille, in a passage quoted by M. Delalain, has
confused the two works. Like Froissart, Jacques de Guise,
and Jean Lemaire, BoutiUier was a native of Hainault,
living at Toumai, where he was probably born.

In 1539 Du Pre published the De rebus gestis Francorum
libri X by Paolo Emilio of Verona, originally published, in
four books only, in 1517. This was the first history of France
that was written after classical models. It was followed in
1541 by a reprint of La Grande Monarchie de France, the work
of another Transalpine humanist — Claude de Seyssel, a native
of Savoy — ^who had settled in France^. This little volume of
1541, which also contains a treatise on the Salic law by some

1 First published at Poitiers in January 1527 (? O.S.).

2 See ante, p. 30.

^ See Tilley, Dawn of the French Renaissance, p. 366.

200 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR6

unknown author, has two features of interest apart from its
contents. In the first place, the printer uses a barred "e,"
though by no means consistently, for "e" mute, and this
nine years before Jacques Peletier (who is said to have in-
vented it) pubUshed his Dialogue de I'Ortografe e Pronon-
ciacion (1550). Secondly, its title-page has a charming archi-
tectural border representing an arch supported by classical
columns, between the bases of which are seated a pair of
lovers, with a lute near them. The printer was Denys Janot,
who, from 1539 to his death in 1545, issued books which are
remarkable for the excellence of their woodcuts. One of these,
also printed for Du Pr6 in 1539 ^^^ reprinted in 1541, is a
volume containing the De Officiis and four other treatises of
Cicero in French. Each part has a charming title-page.

Galliot Du Pre's title-pages, though inferior in beauty to
those of many of his contemporaries, sometimes show much
elegance and good taste. The title is often effectively printed in
red and black. His favourite mark or device is a galley, which
appears in two forms : a large one, in which the galley is rowed
by monks, and a smaller one, in which the oarsmen are black.
Both have the motto. Vogue la guallee. The larger device is
rarely, if ever, placed on the title-page, but is printed on a
separate page, usually at the end of the volume. Sometimes
he employs a third mark, that of a horse, but always in con-
junction with an architectural border composed of four sepa-
rate pieces. This is a common form of title-page for his folios.
In the Froissart of 1530, printed by Antoine Cousteau, the
small galley is used as well as this border, and the whole title-
page, which is printed in red and black, has a stately and
dignified appearance. Other noteworthy title-pages are those
of the Roman de la Rose of 1531, a small folio, which has a
charming border, the Roman de la Rose of 1530, with a de-
hghtful woodcut of a man picking roses 1, and the Chartier of
15292

A few pubhcations still remain to be noticed. We have

1 Library of Trinity College, Cambridge; reproduced in A. Lang's The
Library.

> Reproduced in A. Lang's Books and Bookmen.

VARIOUS PUBLICATIONS 201

seen that in 1531 Du Ft6 published a French translation of
the unauthorised version of Guevara's Libra aureo. In 1540
he issued under the title of Lorloge des Princes'^ a version
made from the enlarged and first authentic edition, which
bore the additional title of El relax de principes. In 1544 he
pubhshed in a single volume Du mepris de la Court, a trans-
lation by Antoine Aleigre of Guevara's Menosprecia de la
Carte, and several poems on the subject of love, which, mainly
under the inspiration of Margaret of Navarre, was a favourite
topic at this time. So too, L'institutian de la femme chres-
tienne, a French translation by Pierre de Changy of the De
institutiane christianae foeminae of Louis Vives^, which Du Pre
pubhshed in the following year (1545), has a distinct bearing
on the general question of the character of women. In the
following year Rabelais published the Third Book of Panta-
gruel, in which this topic is handled with consummate wit
and considerable impartiality 3.

In 1541 Du Pre published the De magistratihus atheniensium
liber of Guillaume Postel, and in 1544 a translation by Jean
Charrier of Cardinal Contarini's De magistratibus et republica
Venetorum.

In 1548 he shared with Michel Vascosan in the publica-
tion of a remarkable Uttle work entitled Instructians sur le
faid de la guerre. On the authority of the preface the author-
ship has been generally attributed to Guillaume Du Bellay,
amongst whose papers the manuscript was found; but the
real author was Raimond de Rouer or de Pavie, Sieur de
Fourquevaux (1511-1574) *- A second edition was issued by
the same pubhshers in 1549, and a third in 1553. Its popu-
larity continued, and it was translated into Latin, Italian,
Spanish, and German.

^ This volume has a large woodcut representing Francis I surrounded by
his Court (Cat. Didot, 1879, no. 224).

^ First published in 1524. The French translation was first printed in
1543. There is also a Lyons edition of 1545.

' See for the whole subject Abel Lefranc in Revue des tiudes rabelaisiennes ,
II. I fi. and 78 ff.

* See V.-L. Bourrilly, Guillaume Du Bellay, 1905, pp. 324-326, and for
a full account of the book and its author Abel Lefranc in the Revue du
SeizUme SUcle, III (1915). 109-154.

202 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU Pr6

A book which Du Pre published in 1551 deserves a passing
notice. Its title was Tractatus duo de origine et usu juris-
dictionum sive de dudbus potestatibus, and its author was
Pierre Bertrand, a distinguished jurist, who, after holding
chairs of law at Avignon, Montpellier, and Paris, took orders,
and was made Bishop of Nevers and later of Autun. In 1331
he received a Cardinal's hat from Pope John XXII as a re-
ward for his services at the Conference of Vincennes, sum-
moned by Philip VI in 1329, where he had brilliantly defended
the jurisdiction of the Church. He died at Avignon in 1349.
He was the founder of the College of Autun in the University
of Paris. One does not know what led our pubHsher to revive
these old treatises, which were evidently the outcome of " the
celebrated tournament of eloquence" at Vincennes. Was the
publication suggested by the fact that at the beginning of
155 1 the author's namesake, Jean Bertrand or Bertrandi of
Toulouse^, was appointed Keeper of the Seals in place of the
disgraced Chancellor, Ohvier? Or was its object to defend
the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical Courts in cases of heresy?
For the sole right of trying such cases had been restored to
them in November 1549, but, as they continued to show
remissness, a new edict, issued from Chateaubriand on June
27, 1551, transferred to the Civil Courts the cognisance of
those heretical acts which involved a pubhc scandal or dis-
turbance.

Two works of a historical character belong, as we have seen,
to Du Pre's last years : the Gallica historia (1557) of Robert
Ceneau, Bishop of Avranches — ' ' homo ineptissimus et indoctis-
simus^" — and the so-called Chronique Scandaleuse of the reign
of Louis XI, now revealed as the work of Jean de Roye, a
public notary and secretary to Due Jean II de Bourbon *-

1 Like his fourteenth century namesake he took orders, was made Bishop
of Comminges, Archbishop of Sens, and finally Cardinal.

^ Languet to Sidney, January 28, 1574.

' The first edition seems to have been published in the reign of Charles
VIII, conjecturally at Lyons, about 1490. Galliot Du Pr6 printed it in the
Mer des histoires of 1517-1519. His edition of 1558 is the second edition of
the work printed separately. It bears the same title as the fifteenth century
edition, but with his characteristic prudence Du Pr§ has suppressed about a

DEATH AND SUCCESSORS 203

Finally, in 1559, Du Pr6 brought out the collected writings
of Georges de Selve, Bishop of Lavaur, a diplomatist of some
distinction, who with the help of his friend and protege and
successor in the bishopric, Pierre Danes, had translated eight
of Plutarch's Lives, and who had died two years previously.
The privilege for this pubMcation is dated August i, 1559, so
that it presiunably appeared before the end of the year, or at
latest early in 1560I. In April of that year Galliot Du Pr6
died, and a perpetual mass was founded for the repose of his
soul, facts which are recorded on a votive stone, now in the
Musee de Cluny, but formerly placed in the church where the
mass was to be said. The church nearest to Du Pre's house in
the Rue des Marmouzets was La Madeleine, but the inscription
as well as a carving on the stone seems to show that the church
in question was Notre-Dame. He left several sons, of whom
two, Pierre I and Galliot II, succeeded to their father's busi-
ness, and for a time carried it on together. Then they sepa-
rated, Pierre retaining the stall in the Palais de Justice, and
Galliot taking a house in the Rue Saint- Jacques, with the sign
of the Golden Galley. Pierre died in 1570 or 1571, and in 1572
his widow, after pubhshing in that year a book on her own
account, transferred her affections and her business to Abel
L'AngeHer, the publisher of the 1588 edition of Montaigne's
Essays. Galliot IT, who was appointed a libraire jure, exer-
cised his profession till 1580^-

In the following list I have only attempted to describe each book
with sufficient precision to permit of its identification. I have added
either the name of some Ubrary which possesses a copy or the source
from which I have taken the description. I have seen all the copies
in Cambridge, as well as several in the British Museum and a few in
the collection of Mr E. P. Goldschmidt. For those in the Bibliothgque
Nationale I have depended on the printed catalogue, which has
reached as far as HUN. Brunet, of course, has been of great help and
so has Van Praet, Catalogue des livres imprimis sur vilin de la biblio-
tMque du roi, 5 torn, in 4 vols. 1822-1828, and Cat. des livres. ..qui se
trouvent dans les hibliothtques tant publiques que particuliires, 4 vols.

dozen passages which seemed prejudicial to certain families or to Louis XI.
(See Journal de Jean de Roye, edited by B. de Mandrot for the See. de
i'Hist. de France, 2 vols. 1894, pp. viii-xii.)
1 See Renouard and Delalain.

204 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR^

1824-18281. His descriptions are sometimes fuller than Brunei's, and
the second part of his work is furnished with an index of printers and
publishers. A good many titles I owe originally to Panzer. The
following sale-catalogues have been helpful :

La ValUSre, 4 vols. 1783.

Maccarthy, 2 vols. 1875.

Yemeniz, 1867.

A.-F. Didot, 1878 and 1879.

Sunderland, 2 vols. 1881.

SeUU^re, 1887 (London) and 1900 (Paris).

Lakelands, 1891.

Ruble, 1899.

Of these the descriptions in the Didot and Sunderland catalogues are
particularly full and trustworthy.

Some titles have come from booksellers' catalogues: Morgand,
Tross, Rosenthal, Voynich, and Quaritch's General Catalogiie, vol. vi.
Special mention must be made of the catalogue of the hbrary formed
by Baxon James de Rothschild at Paris (3 vols. 1884-1893), the work
of that accomplished scholar and bibliophile, £mile Picot, by whose
name I have cited it. The fifty items recorded by M. Delalain in his
Notice compUmentaire are indicated by an asterisk, while for the
twenty -two mentioned by him in his first Notice I have given a specific
reference.

Finally I must record my grateful thanks to Mr E. Burrell of the
Cambridge University Library, who has added some thirty or forty
titles to my list and has given me most valuable assistance in the work
of hunting out and verifying descriptions.

Abbreviations

B.M. =British Museum.

B.N. =Bibliothdque Nationale.

Bod. = Bodleian Library.

U.L.C. =University Library, Cambridge.

1512

1. Eu tropins... Paulus Diaconus*.

B.M.; B.N.

2. Johannes Surgetus. Militaris disciplinae Enchiridion.

With Jean Petit.
U.L.C, Q*. 12. 53 (F).

1514

3. Le grand Coustumier de France.

Brunet, i. 345.

1 Cited as Van Praet (i) and Van Praet (2).

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 205

4. Les grandes chroniqties. April 14, after Easter.

FitzwiUiam Museum, Cambridge.

5. Alain Bouchaid. Les grandes croniques de Bretaigne. November
25. With numerous woodcuts.

B.N.; Cat. Didot (1878), No. 705; Bib. Sund. i. No. 1854.

6. Montjoye*. Le pas des armes. December 23.

Brunet, 11. 993.

7. Questiones fructuosissime ac practabiles per arresta supremi
senaius Parisiensis curie... decise. November 16.

Brunet, v. 542.

8. Jeaji de Selve. Tractatus heneficialis...legum ac principum
palaciis...versatilis. April 29.

U.L.C., O*. 16. 16.

1515

9. Les grandes chroniques (a new edition of No. 4).

For vellum copies of this and No. 4 see Van Praet, 2nd pt. iii.
Nos. 95 and 96.

10. Le grant stille et prothocole de la chancellerie de France. February
18, 1514 (O.S.).

Brunet, v. 539.

11. Stilus supreme curie parlamenti.

Brunet, v. 242. As Brunet only gives the year, this might be
1516 (N.S.).

1516

12. Le grand Coustumier de France. March 28 (after Easter).

Brunet, i. 345.

13. Aureus [de utraque potestate temporali et spirituali) libellus ad hunc
usqtie diem non vivus. Somnium Viridarii vulgariter nuncupatus.

A Latin version of the Songe du Verdier, edited by Gilles
d'Aurigny of Beauvais.
B.M.

14. Lhystoire du sainct-graal. September 25.

Quaritch, General Catalogue, vi. 3781 ; Brunet, v. 48.

1517

15. Le Mirouer historial. February 1516 (prob. O.S.).

A compilation from various authors, including Gaguin.
Brunet, 11. 1439.

16. Jean Bouchet. Le Temple de bonne renommie. January 2, 1516
(O.S.). The privilege is dated January 10, 1516 (O.S.).

A panegjnic in verse on Charles de La Trdmoille, who had
been mortally wounded at Marignano.
Picot, I. No. 505.

206 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PRE

17. George Chastelain. Le Temple de Jehan Bocace. Jean Bouchet.
(i) L' instruction du jeune prince (in prose); (2) Le Chappelet des
princes (50 rondeaux +5 ballades addressed to Charles de La
Tr6moille) ; (3) Lepistre de la royne Marie a son frere Henry
roy Dangleterre.

Picot, I. No. 506; Van Praet, v. No. 91.

18. Le Nouveau Monde et Navigations faites par Emeric de Vespuce
Florentin. The privilege is dated January 10, 1516 (O.S.).

B.M.

19. La mer des histoires et croniques de France*, vols, i (October 31,
15 1 7) and II (October 29, 15 17).

Harrisse, Excerpta Colomhiniana, pp. xiii— xiv.

20. Les ordonnances royaulx sur le faict des tailles aydes et gabelles.
Privilege of July 27.

Bod.; Brunet, iv. 217; Van Praet, vi. No. 57.

1518

21. Lordre tenu et garde en la notable... assemblee des troys etatz...con-
voquez en la ville de Tours. Privilege of this year.

Brunet, iv. 223. An official account of the Estates of 1484.

22. Francescus Patricius. De institutione reipublicae libri novem.
November 22.

U.L.C., Sel. 3. 205.

23. Baptistus Fulgosus. De dictis factisque memorabilibus collectanea.

B.M.

24. Apuleius. L'Asne dore... translate par Guillaume Michel.

Cat. La VaUidre, 11. No. 3842.

1519

25. F. Patricius. Enneas de regno et regis constitutione. April 16, ad
Romanum calculum.

U.L.C., Sel. 3. 206.

26. La mer des histoires et croniques de France, vols, in and iv. March
10, 1518 (O.S.).

Van Praet (2), in. No. 16.

27. Genealogies fails et gestes des saints peres Papes.

B.M.; Van Praet, v. No. 23. A translation, ascribed by Du
Verdier to Pierre Desrey, of Platina's Vitae Pontificum.

1520

28. F. Patricius. De institutione reipublicae. September 10, 1520.

U.L.C., O. 8. 20I. With autograph of William Cecil and with
W. C. on the binding. A new edition of No. 21.

29. F. Patricius. Livre tres fructueux et utile a toute personne et ad-
ministration de la chose publicque. April 30.

B.M.; Brunet, iv. 441. A translation of No. 28.

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 207

30. Erasmus. De la declamation des louenges de folie. August 2,
1520.

B.N. This is perhaps the translation made by George Halewin,
a great-nephew of Philippe de Commines, of which Erasmus
complained that it was not very faithful (see P. S. Allen, Opus
Epist. Erasmi, in. 62, and letter No. 660).

31. La genealogie des ires Chretiens roys de France. October 27, 1520.

Brunet, 11. 1528.

1521

32. Suetonius*. La tres illustre vie. ..des douze Cesars. February 16,
1520 (O.S.).

Brunet, v. 583; Cat. Didot (1878), No. 686.

33. La genealogie des tres Chretiens roys de France. March 20, 1520
(O.S.).

Van Praet (2), in. No. 93. A new edition of No. 31.

34. Stille observe et garde par devant le Prevost de Paris.

Brunet, v. 541.

35. Petrarch*. Des remedes de I'une et I'autre fortune. March 15,
1520 (O.S.).

1522

36. Les ordonnances royaulx sur le faict des tailles, etc.

Brunet, iv. 217. A new edition of No. 20.

37. Les coustumes du pays et duche de Bourhonnoys.

Cat. Yemeniz, No. 449.

38. Lubin DalUer. DeMandatisquaeapostolicavocantur. 1521 (O.S.).
Printed by P. Vidoue.

B.N.; L. DelarueUe, Nicole Birault (Musde Beige, No. 8), p. 306.

1523

39. Ysaie le triste*.

SeUUfire Cat. 1147.

40. Bude. Sommaire et epitome du livre de Asse fait par le com-
mandement du roi par mattre Guillaume BudS. February 20,
1522 (O.S.).

B.N.

1524

41. Tiraqueau. De legibus connubialibus. November 30.

U.L.C., Q*. II. 20 (D).

42. Commines. Cronique et hystoire. April 26.

B.N.; Cat. Maccarthy, 11. No. 4534.

43. Cronique et hystoire. September.

B.M. ; B.N.

44. Petrarch. Des remedes de I'une et autre fortune. March 15, 1523
(O.S.).

Brunet, iv. 567. A new edition of No. 35.

208 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR^

45. Jacobus Merlinus. Tomus primus (et secundus) quatuor concilio-
rum generalium. 2 vols.

Brunet, iii. 1658.

1525

46. NicoleGilles. Les ires elegantes, tres veridtques et copieuses annates.
December 6.

B.N.; Van Praet, v. No. 1525.

47. Guy Breslay. Le Catalogue des Saints et des Saintes traduit du
Latin de Pierre des Natales.

Pietro de' Natali compiled from 1369 to 1372 a Catalogus
sanctorum, which was printed at Venice in 1493. It includes
personages of the Old and New Testaments, ecclesiastical writers.
Emperors who favoured Christianity, legendary heroes like
Roland and Oliver, etc. ; it is wholly uncritical in character. The
translator, Guy Breslay, studied the humanities under Simon
Villanovanus at Padua and becajne a humanist and jurist of
considerable distinction. In 1541 he was made President of the
Great Council.

Van Praet (2), iii. No. 26.

48. Commines*. Cronique et hystoire. September. 3rd edition.

1526

49. Commines. Cronique et histoire. January 1525 (O.S.). 4th
edition.

B.N.

50. Mabrian*.

Cat. Didot (1878), No. 563 (the only known copy).

51. Alain Chartier*. Les f aids et dictz.

lb. No. 144.

52. Le Roman de la Rose*. Fo. Privilege of April 19, 1526.

lb. No. 131; Van Praet, iv. No. 1623.

53. La prison d'amours. March 6, 1525 (O.S.). IMvUege of May 8,

1525-

Picot, II. No. 1747.

54. Traictez singuliers.

Picot, I. No. 487.

1527

55. Rondeaux au nombre de trois cent cinquante.

Attributed to Gringore.
Picot, II. No. 1744.

56. Caviceo*. Dialogue tres elegant intitule Le Peregrin... traduict par
maistre Franfois Dassy. May 27.

B.N.; Lakelands Cat., No. 651; Cat. Didot (1878), No. 549.

57. Celestine. August 1.

Cat. SeiUiSre, 1890, Nos. 597 and 598.

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 209

58 . Le loyal serviteur* . La tres joyeuse plaisante et recreative Hystoire
. . .des faitz gestes iriumphes et prouesses du bon chevalier sanspaour
et sans reproche le gentil seigneur de Bay art. September 18.

Seillidre Cat., No. 105; Crawford Cat., No. 272.

59. Guillaume Cretin*. Chants royaulx oraisons et aultres petits
traiciez.

B.N.; SeiUiere Cat., No. 332.

60. L'Histoire et Recueil de triumphante et glorieuse victoire obtenue
contre les reduycts et abusez Luiheriens...par treshault et tres-
puissant prince. ..Anthoine due de Lorraine*.

Van Praet, v. No. 48.

By Nicolas de Volcyre. With seven woodcuts.

61. Nicole Gilles. Croniques.

B.N.

62. Le grand stille et prothocole de la chancellerie de France.

Brunet, v. 539. A new edition of No. 10.

1528

63. Pierre Gringore*. Notables enseignemens adages et proverbes.
February i, 1527 (O.S.). The privilege is of November 15, 1527.

Cat. Didot (1878), No. 192; A. Bernard, Geofroy Tory (2nd ed.
1865), p. 255.

64. La conqueste de grece. February 8, 1527 (O.S.).

B.M.

65. Perceforest. 6 vols. May 28.

B.M.

66. Meschinot*. Les lunettes des princes. October 20.

Cat. Didot (1878), No. 160.

67. Meliadus de Leonnoys*. November 30.

B.M.

68. Ovide*. Les XXI epistres Dovide, translatees...par monseigneur
levesque Dangoulesme [Octovien de Saint-Gelais] .

Cat. Yemeniz, No. 1495.

69. Caviceo. Le Peregrin.

B.N. Dassy's translation revised by Jean Martin.

70. Gaguin. De Francorum regum gestis.

B.M.; Eton College Library; Panzer, viil. 116; Voynich, lii.
1283.

71. Compendium hystorial des polices des empires... translate de latin
enfrangois.

Brunet, ii. 195. By Henry Remain, Canon of Tournai. There
is an edition of 1509 published by Verard.

1529

72. Guevara*. Libra aureo de Marco Aurelio.

Panzer, viii. 116.

73. Alain Chartier*. Les CEuvres.

B.N.; Cat. Ruble, No. 128; Seilhdre Cat., No. 269.

T.S.F.R. 14

210 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR6

74. Dionysius of Halicarnassus*. Historiae in XI libros digestae.
Privilege of March 4, 1528 (O.S.).

U.L.C., I*. 9- 32 (C).

75. Jean de Bourdign6. Histoire aggrigative des annates et croniqties
d'Anjou. January 1529 (N.S.)-

With two publishers of Angers. Since the veUum copies are
dated October 1529, the date of the paper copies, which would
naturally be printed first, must be N.S.

B.N. (2 copies on vellum) ; Bib. Sund. i. No. 1897.

76. Jean Bertaud. Encomium trium, Mariarum.

B.N. (3 copies); Bib. Mazarine (2 copies); Van Praet, v. No.
139; A. Bernard, Geofroy Tory, pp. 259 fE.

77. Virgil. Les asuvres.

Van Praet, iv. No. 102. The Eclogites and Georgics are in the
translation of GuUlaume Michel and theAeneid in that of Octovien
de Saint-Gelais.

78. Cicero. Les Offices.

Brunet, 11. 52.

79. Ordonnances nouveUement /aides par te Roy. January 21, 1528
(O.S.).

Brunet, iv. 215.

1530

80. Le Roman de la Rose. March, 1529, before Easter.

Trin. CoU. Cambridge. With woodcuts.

81. Josephus*. L'histoire escripte premierement en grec par Josephus
le Juif...£/ en apres mise en latin dont elle a este depuis faicte
franfoyse.

This translation has been attributed to Claude de Seyssel.
Cat. Didot (1881), No. 483.

82. Estienne Daigue*. Singulier Traicte, contenant la propriete des
Tortues, Escargots, Grenoilles....

A French translation of an extract from the author's Latin
commentary on PUny. Estienne de 1' Aigue (as his real name was)
was often employed on diplomatic missions by Francis I. He
died young at Avignon in 1538.

Morgand, No. 42 (November 1897), No. 30136.

83. Perceval le Gallois.

B.M. The only known edition.

84. Froissart.

With Jean Petit.

B.N.; Mr E. P. Goldschmidt.

85. Jehan du Pontalais*. Contreditz de Songecreux. May 2.

Cat. Didot (1878), No. 193.

86. Martin Le Franc*. Le Champion des Dames.

B.M.

87. Stilus supremae curiae Parisiensis et Tolosani. July.

Delalain, p. 8; Brunet, v. 542.

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 211

88. Bud6. Sommaire ei epitome du livre de Asse. Januarj"- 3, 1529
(O.S.).

B.N.

1531

89. Nicole Gilles*. Les tres elegantes et copieuses annales. 2 vols.
September 7.

From Cat. Baillieu, No. 99.

90. Alain Bouchard. Les Croniques Annales des pays dangleterre et
Bretaigne. September.

With Jean Petit.

U.L.C., Sel. 2.58; Bib. Sund. i. No. 1855 ; Van Praet, v. No. 168.
A new edition of No. 5 with a new title and with additions by
another hand than Bouchard's.

91. Le Roman de la Rose. Fo. June 9.

With Jean Petit.

B.M. ; Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; Mr E. P. Goldschmidt.
This edition has the same small cuts as No. 80, with one new one,
and with a large woodcut over the Prologue.

92. Jacques de Guise*. Les Illustrations de la Gaule belgique. Fo.
Vol. I.

With F. Regnault.

Mr E. P. Goldschmidt; Bib. Sund. i. No. 5919.

93. Quinte Curce*. February 20, 1530 (O.S.).

Translated for Charles the Rash by Vasco Fernandez, Conde
de Lucena, a Portuguese gentleman who was as familiar with
French as with his native tongue.

Brunet, 11. 451.

94. Le Mirouer historial.

Brunet, 11. 1439. A new edition of No. 15.

95. Les ditz moraulx des philosophes.

Brunet, 11. 766.

96. Proverhiorum vulgarium libri ires.

97. Treize questions d'amour.

A rendering of the fourth book of Boccaccio's II Filocolo, a
complete translation of which did not appear till 1542.
Brunet, i. 1015; Panzer, viii. 137.

98. Guevara. Livre dore.

B.N.

99. Franciscus Patricius. Enneas de regno et regis institutione. Sep-
tember I.

U.L.C., O. 8. 20^ (sel.), bound in the same volume with No. 28.

100. Jean Lemaire. Les Illustrations de Gaule.

Brunet, iii. 964.
loi. Pedro BeUuga. Speculum principum ac iustitiae. January 29,
1530 (O.S.).

B.N.; Panzer, viii. 137.
102. Sidrach.

Brunet, v. 606.

14—2

212 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR6

103. J. Caesar. Les euvres et breves expositions.... with P. de Preux.

Brunet, i. 145Q. Gaguin's translation.

1532

104. Jacques de Guise*. Les Illustrations de la Gaule belgique. Vols.
II and III.

Vol. Ill is dated 1532; there is no date to vol. 11. The three
volumes are generally found bound up together. Mr Gold-
schmidt's copy, formerly in the Sunderland library, has the
autograph of Chappuys on the first title-page. This may be
Claude Chappuy (circ. 1505-circ. 1572) who in 1523 was som-
melier de chapelle in the royal household and later held a post
in the royal library at Fontainebleau. (See Tilley, Literature of
the French Renaissance, 1. 90-91.)

See above. No. 92.

105. Registre des ans passez et choses dignes de memoire advenues puis
la creation du monde jusques en Ian mil cinq cens XXXII*.
April 6 (after Easter).

Cat. Yemeniz, No. 2655; Lakelands Cat., No. 725. A French
abridgement of the Cronica cronicarum. With woodcuts.

106. Les Coutumes anciennes de Lorris.

Brunet, 11. 372.

107. GUles Corrozet*. La Fleur des Antiquitds.

B.N.

108. Novus Orbis Regionum ac Insularum veteribus incognitarum.

Bib. Sund. i. No. 263.

109. Villon*. Les (Euvres. July 20.

B.M.; Cat. Ruble, No. 129.
no. Coquillart. Les (Euvres.

B.N. (2 copies); Cat. Ruble, No. 132.

111. Pathelin.

Brunet, iv. 434.

112. Gringore. Le Chasteau de Labour.

Picot, I. No. 493.

113. PUnius. Historiae Naturalis libri XXVII. October.

With Jean Petit.

U.L.C., L. 7. 21. Edited by Pierre Dan^s under the name of
his servant " Bellocirius."

1533

114. Villon*. Les (Euvres. September 30.

B.M.; Cat. Didot (1881), No. 207.

115. Libri de re rusiica*. February 1533 (? O.S.).

With Jean Petit, who seems to have used the Roman method.
(See above, p. 198.)
U.L.C., L. 8. 19.

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 213

1534

116. Piero Crescenzi. Le bon Mesnager. January 15, 1533 (? O.S.).

Brunet, 11. 417. See A. Bernard, Geofroy Tory, pp. 264-265.

117. Guillaume Telia. Bref sommaire des sept verius, sept arts Uberaux
....February 12, 1533 (? O.S.).

See Brunet for the full title ; Brunet's copy was later in the
Ruble coUection (Cat. Ruble, No. 688).

118. Guevara. Livre dore de Marc Aurele.

Brunet, 11. 1797.

119. Josephus. De lantiquitez judaHqttes. April 15 (after Easter).

Brunet, in. 571.

120. Pius II. Asiae Europaeque elegantissima descriptio.

With Claude ChevaUon.

B.M. (2 copies, one with the name of Du Pr6 on the title
page, the other with that of Chevallon) .

121. F. Patricius. De institutione reipublicae. January i, 1534.

With Jean Petit.
Panzer, viii. No. 3176.

122. Ordonnances nouvelles f aides par le Roy...touchant les Legyons
des gens de pied par lui ordonnez et mis sus par les provinces pour
la tuition et deffence du Royaulme.

Harrisse, Exc. Colomb., No. 172.

123. Arnoul Ruz6. Traitis de droit canon.

The author [circ. 1485-circ. 1550) was professor of civil and
canon law at Orleans and scholasticus (i.e. Chancellor) of the
University. Later he was appointed a Master of Requests and
a Councillor of the Paris Parlement.

1535

124. J. Fihppo Foresti of Bergamo. Supplementum Chronicarum.

With Simon de Cohnes, but not printed by him. See Ph.
Renouard, Bibliographie des Editions de S. de C. p. 247.
This compilation was first printed at Brescia in 1485.

125. Jean Bouchet. Les Triumphes de la noble et amoureuse dame.

B.N.; Cat. La VaUiere, 11. No. 3001.

126. Ordonnances et instruction faites par feu de. bonne memoire les
roys Charles VI I... Francois I.

Tross, V (1872), 2785.

127. La Hogue. Le Livre de Facet translate de latin en frangoys et mys
en forme de rhetorique par Jacques de Lahogue.

Brunet, ni. 372.

128. Le grand Coustumier. October 20.

Brunet, i. 345. A new edition of No. 12.

1536

129. Concordata inter. . .Papam Leonem X et... Franciscum primum.

U.L.C., Acton 6. 9. 33. With a commentary and two treatises
by Pierre Rebuffy.

214 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PR^

130. Les Coustumes, Statuts pariicuHers de la plttpart des hailliages et
seneschaucees et prevosiez yoyaulx du Royaulme de France*.

With Poncet Le Preux.

131. Jean Bouchet. Les anciennes et modernes genealogies des Rois de
France.

B.N.

132. La Mer des histoires. 2 vols. (i. April, after Easter; 11. May 2).

Brunet, iii. 1642.

1537

133. Jean Bouchet*. Les Annales d'Aquitaine.

SeilHSre Cat., No. 171.

134. Pedro Belluga. Speculum Principum ac Justitiae.

Delalain, p. 8.

135. Jean Boutillier. Le grand coustumier general de practique oultre-
ment appelle Somme Rurale. December 15, 1536.

B.N.; Delalain, p. 8.

136. GuUlaume Petit. Hortus fidei apostolorum.

Delalain, p. 8.

1538

137. Nicole Gilles. Les Annales et chronicques. 2 vols.

B.N.

138. Guillaume Petit. La formation de I' homme.

Delalain, p. 9.

1539

139. Divi Pauli Epistolae. March 1538 (O.S.). l6mo.

With S. de Colines (see Ph. Renouard, op. cit. p. 294).
U.L.C., I. 35. 29. With a commentary by Jean de Gaigny.

140. Recueil de divers histoires iouchant les situations de toutes regions
etpays contenuz es trois parties du monde...Nouvellemeni traduict
de latin enfrangoys*. December 15.

Brunet, 11. 747, and iv. 1164. From a Latin -work by Johann
Boem (Augsburg 1520; Lyons 1541), which had a considerable
vogue in the sixteenth century. There is an English and an
Italian translation.

141. P. Emilio. De rebus gestis Francorum libri X.

142. Cicero. Les Offices. Le livre d'Amitie. Le livre de Vieillesse.
Les Paradoxes. Le Songe de Scipio. 2 vols.

Brunet, 11. 53.

143. De doctrina moriendi. March 19, 1538 (O.S.).

U.L.C., K*. 13. 53 (G).

144. Ordonnances royaulx sur le faict de la justice et abbreviation des
proces*. September 6.

Brunet, iv. 215; Maccarthy, i. Nos. 1280 and 1282. Printed
at Rouen and Paris. Du PrI published another edition in the
same year (Maccarthy, 1. 1281).

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 215

1540

145. Les Cousiumes des duchez contez et chasiellenies du bailliage de
Senlis*....

SeiUidre Cat., No. 328.

146. Guevaxa*. Lorloge des Princes.

B.N.; Cat. Didot (1879), No. 224. With a large woodcut
representing Francis I surrounded by his Court.

147. Ordonnances royaulx, etc.

Brunet, iv. 216. A new edition of No. 144.

1541

148. Seyssel*. La grande monarchie de France. December 31.

U.L.C., U*. 7. 41 (F).

149. Historiae ecclesiasticae scripiores latini.

With F. Regnault.
Delalain, p. 9.

150. Biblia Sacra.

U.L.C., I. 23. 28. Printed by S. de Colines (see Renouard,
op. cit. p. 337).

151. G. Postel. De magisiratibus Atheniensium.

With Michel Vascosan.
U.L.C., Z. II. 9; B.M.; Bod.

152. Nicolas de Mailly. La diverse cognoissance.

Brunet, iii. 1319.

153. Cicero. Les Offices, etc. 2 vols.

B.N. A reprint of No. 142.

1542

154. Ordonnances royaulx.

Brunet, iv. 216. A new edition of No. 144 with a supplement.

155. Tractatus iuris regalium.

Delalain, p. 3. By Amoul Ruz6 (see above. No. 123).

1543

156. Lactantius. Les divines institutions. February 9, 1542 (O.S.).

Bib. Sund. i. No. 7195; Van Praet, I. No. 375. Translated by
Rene Fam6.

157. Novum Testamentum.

U.L.C., I. 33. 23. With Simon de Colines (see Renouard, op.
cit. p. 381).

158. Ordonnances royaulx.. .sur lefaict de ladmirauti. March 29 (after
Easter).

U.L.C., -2? 54. 17 (2). Printed at Rouen.

1544

159. Guevara. t)u mepris de la court.

B.N.

2l6 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU PRlfe

i6o. Osiander. Harmoniae Evangelicae...Hbri quatuor.
U.L.C., Td. 54. 37. With woodcuts.

161. Michel Amboise. Le Guidon des gens de guerre. March 15, 1543
(O.S.).

Brunet, Supp. i. 36.

162. Contarini. Des magistrals et republique de Venise.

1545

163. Antididagma seu Christianae et Catholicae religionis propugnatio.

U.L.C., B*. 6. 55 (F).

164. Jean Lemaire. Le promptuaire des conciles de I'eglise catholique.

Brunet, iii. 965.

165. Vives. L'institution de lafemme chrestienne.

Brunet, v. 1334.

166. Tractatus de modo generalis Concilii celebrandi.

U.L.C., G. 2. 80. Written by a nephew of the great mediaeval
jurist, Guillaume Durand, the author of the Speculum judiciale.
He succeeded him in the see of Mende in 1296.

167. Carolus Degrassalius. Regalium Franciae libri duo iura omnia
et dignitates christianiss. Galliae regum continentes.

By Charles de GrassaiEe (1495-1582), a councillor of the
presidential court at Carcassonne.
Bib. Sund. i. No. 3776.

168. Antoine Demery. Anthidote contre la Peste.

B.N. Demery was a physician, born at Abbeville.

1546

169. Commines. Cronique et histoire.

B.N.

170. Methodica iuris utriusque traditio...Conradi Lagi iurisconsulti
January 29, 1545 (O.S).

Delalain, p. 7.

1547

171. Nicole Gilles. Croniques et Annates de France . 2 vols.

B.N. ; Delalain, p. 9, reproduces the title-page.

1548

172. Instructions sur le faict de la guerre*.

With Vascosan, who printed it.
Van Praet, iii. No. 81.

1549

173. Instructions sur le faict de la guerre.

Seilh^re Cat., No. 581. 2nd ed.

174. Nicole Gilles. Croniques et Annates de France.

The first edition edited by Denys Sauvage.
Bib. Sund. i. 5554.

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 217

1550

175. Chronique des Roys de France puis Pharamond iusques au Roy
Henry, second du nom*. Pax J. T.

Seilli^re Cat., No. 280 (from the library of Fran9ois II). By-
Jean Du TiUet (d. 1570), Bishop of Saint-Brieux and afterwaMs
of Meaux. It was by his influence that his younger brother, the
friend and correspondent of Calvin, was re-converted to
Catholicism.

1551

176. Stilus Parlamenti Parisiensis.

Delalain, p. 10; Brunet, v. 242. A new edition of No. 11.

177. Pierre Bertrand. Tractatus duo de origine et usu jurisdiciionum,
sive de duabus potestatibus.

Delalain, p. 3.

1552

178. Commines*. Les Memoires... Revues et corrigez par Denis Sau-
vage.

B.N. ; King's CoUege, Cambridge.

179. Nicole GUles. Les tres elegantes et copieuses annates. 2 vols.

Brunet, 11. 1598.

1553

180. Instructions sur le faict de la guerre.

With M. de Vascosan.

Bib. Sund. 11. No. 6698. 3rd edition of No. 171.

1555

181. Pragmatica Sanctio...cum glossis Cosmae Guimieri Parisini.
2 vols. Printing finished 1554.

U.L.C., Q*. 6. 21 (E).

1556

182. Jean de NeufvUle. In septem Davidis Psalmos quos poeni-
tentiales vacant commentarii.

U.L.C., F. 5. 122 (2). Dedicated to the Cardinal of Lorraine.

183. De pulchritudine animi libri V. In Epicureos et atheos

homines hujus seculi.

U.L.C., R*. 5. 62 (E).

1557

184. Robert Ceneau. Gallica historia. October.

U.L.C., I*. 8. 30 (B). Printed by Fezendat.

1558

185. Stilus Parlamenti Parisiensis.

Brunet, v. 242. A reprint of No. 175.

2l8 A PARIS BOOKSELLER — GALLIOT DU Pr6

i86. Seyssel. La grande monarchie franfoise.

Delalain, p. 105. A new edition of No. 148.

187. La Legende des Flamens*.

Morgand, p. 51 (November 1900), No. 39419.

188. La chronique du tres chretien et victorieux Louis XI.

Maccarthy, 11. No. 4533; Yemeniz, No. 3209; Morgand, p. 45
(November 1898), No. 32919.

1559

189. Georges de Selve. CEuvres. Privilege of August i.

B.M.; Delalain, p. 10.

1561

190. Commiaesi* . Le9 Memoires.

B.N.

VIII
DORAT AND THE PLfilADE

That the Pl^iade had its origin in Dorat's lecture-room is no
more than the literal truth. The affectionate gratitude with
which he was regarded by his pupils finds expression in many
poems by Ronsard, Du Bellay, and Baif. Reference will be
found to these in M. Chamard's excellent book^ on Du Bellay,
in which, after recording the enthusiasm which Dorat's
teaching aroused, he proceeds to consider his merits as a
philologist, or, as we should say, a classical scholar. First he
cites Joseph Scaliger as saying that he knew no living critic
except Cujas and Dorat who could satisfactorily emend good
authors. "Non omnibus datum, etiam doctis, sed rarae cuius-
dam felicitatis est, bonos auctores corrigere, et suae dignitati
atque nitori restituere: nee quemquam hodie novi qui id
praestare possit praeter Dom. Cuiacium et Dom. Auratum^."
Next he cites Scevole de Sainte-Marthe, who in his elogium of
Dorat says: "Summa eruditione et acerrima coniectura prae-
stans optimi quoque critici laudem quotidie merebatur^."

M. Chamard then continues: "We are not, it is true, in a
position to verify the correctness of these laudatory remarks ;
Dorat has not, like Tumebe, Lambin, or Muret, left critical
work which enables us to estimate his merits as a scholar."
This is not altogether correct. It is true that Dorat has not
left any edition of a Greek or Latin author, nor any volume of
A dversaria ; but a very considerable number of his emendations
of one classical author, namely Aeschylus, have been preserved,
and they have impressed at least two most distinguished
editors of the same author with a very high idea of Dorat's
scholarship. In a note on 1. 1396 of his edition of the Agamem-

^ Joachim Du Bellay, 1900, p. 51, nn. i and 2.
^ Prima Scaligerana, Utrecht, 1670, p. 13.
' Elogia, 1602, p. 88.

220 DORAT AND THE PLEIADE

non Gottfried Hermann boldly says that of all Aeschylean
critics Dorat was the chief. "Omnium qui Aeschylum atti-
gerunt princeps Auratus." And my friend Walter Headlam,
whose early death robbed this country of a scholar who,
thanks to his wide reading and acute intelligence, had an
unrivalled knowledge of the Greek mind, once said to me in
conversation that, though Tumebe's emendations of Aeschy-
lus were more numerous, Dorat's went deeper.

It is an interesting question how Dorat's emendations, see-
ing that he left no pubhshed work of criticism, became known.
It appears that they may be traced to a copy of Victorius's
Aeschylus (published by Henri Estienne in 1557) which be-
longed first to Scaliger, then to the Dutch scholar, Gerard Vos
(1577-1649), and then to his son Isaac, who was bom in 1618
and died in London in 1689, having been for sixteen years a
canon of Windsor. After his death his valuable library
was sold to the University of Leyden, but while it was still
at Windsor, Ezekiel Spanheim, who was envoy of the Elector
Palatine at the Court of St James, transcribed from the afore-
said copy of Aeschylus numerous manuscript emendations
by Dorat, Scahger, and the elder Vossius^. These were used
by Hermann ex libra Spanhemiano , a volume — probably
another copy of Victorius's Aeschylus — ^in the royal hbrary at
BerUn^.

Hermann of course acknowledged his debts to his pre-
decessors, but an earlier editor o'f Aeschylus, Thomas Stanley
of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, who drew from the same
sources, acted differently. His edition of Aeschylus, which
appeared in 1663, brought him great renown, but 150 years

^ Spanheim was in London from soon after 1670 to 1680. In 1675 Evel5m.
met him and Isaac Vos at dinner. He was again in England from 1702 to
1 7 10, as ambassador of the King of Prussia, but Vos's library by that time
had gone to Leyden. Evelyn writing to Pepys in August 1689 regrets that
it had not been bought by some noble Maecenas and presented to Trinity
College, Cambridge. Heame says, under September 21, 1710, that the
University of Oxford had offered ^£2000 for it, but the writer in the Dictio-
nary of National Biography is evidently mistaken in inferring from this that
Heame was referring to a recent event (see Remarks and Collections of
Thomas Heame, ed. C. E. Doble, for the Oxford Historical Society, Oxford,
1889, ni. 51).

* See Moritz Haupt's preface to Aeschyli tragoediae, ed. G. Hermann,
Leipsic, 1852, I. xvi.

STANLEY'S PLAGIARISMS 221

later judgment overtook him. In 1812 Charles James
Blomfield, afterwards Bishop of London, wrote an article in
the Edinburgh Review, in which he pointed out that nearly all
the striking conjectures proposed by Stanley in the single play
of the Agamemnon, thirty-five in number, coincided with
those of Casaubon ; and in the Museum Criticum he followed
up this exposure by enumerating ninety-eight emendations
in the same play in which Stanley silently agrees with Scaliger
or Dorat, without counting those in which he expressly men-
tions them. He further points out that the number of similar
coincidences in the Choephori amounts to ninety-seven. One
source of his information was a copy of Victorius's Aeschylus
in the possession of the Rev. John Mitford, the editor of
Milton and Gray, which formerly belonged to Samuel Mus-
grave (1732-1780), the well-known physician and Greek
scholar. In the margin of this volume were written the con-
jectural emendations of Portus, Dorat, Casaubon, and of the
person who noted them, whom Blomfield "suspects to be the
elder Vossius." He also beheves that the conjectures marked
P. were not really those either of Franciscus Portus (1511-
158 1), a Greek who held a chair of his native language first in
Italy and then at Geneva, or of his son Emilius, but rather of
Casaubon, who was the elder Portus's successor at Geneva.
As for the conjectures of Scaliger, they were, he says, "tran-
scribed from a book formerly belonging to Joseph Scaliger,
afterwards to J. G. Vossius, then to Is. Vossius, and now in
the Leyden library^." This is evidently the volume referred
to above, for which the hnks between Scahger and Hermann
are clearly estabhshed. I do not know how Scahger came
by Dorat's emendations, but probably at Dorat's lectures,
for from 1558 to 1562 Scaliger was at Paris ardently studying
Greek, and Dorat was appointed a Royal Professor of Greek
in 1558.

^ In a MS. volume in the University Library, Cambridge (Nn. iv. 6), the
greater part of which is in the hand of the physician and scholar Anthony
Askew (172Z-1774), the following note is transcribed from the first page of
a copy of the Aeschylus of 1557: "Gerardus Vossius emit me in auctione
illustrissimi viri, Josephi ScaUgeri, qui manu sua loca innumera restituit."
Scahger died at Leyden in 1609. Askew studied at Leyden between 1745
and 1750.

222 DORAT AND THE PLEIADE

As for the Mitford volume it cannot be traced further back
than Musgrave, for the person who noted the conjectures in
it was not, as Blomfield supposes, the elder Vossius, for he
says in one place, "Casaubonus me docuit," and Vossius
was not a pupil of Casaubon's, nor indeed, so far as I know,
ever met him.

Which was the volume that Stanley pillaged? Probably,
says Blomfield, the Aeschylus of Isaac Vossius, lent to him
by that scholar, for in his MS. notes Stanley refers expressly
to a book which formerly belonged to Joseph ScaJiger. It is
amusing to note the various phrases in which Hermann records
Stanley's thefts from Dorat, from the mild "suum fecit" and
"Stanleius sive potius Auratus," to "tacens adscivit," "pro
suo vendidit," and finally "suffuratus est Aurato."

In Hermann's notes the name of Auratus occurs most fre-
quently in connexion with the Agamemnon. No conjectures of
his are recorded for the Per sue or Prometheus Vinctus, only one
for the Septem contra Thebas, and only a few for the other
plays. Blomfield gives rather more than Hermann does — about
a dozen — for the Choephori. It is evident that Dorat was
chiefly concerned with the Agamemnon. Here he had fewer
editors before him, for the best MS. of Aeschylus, the Medicean
or Laurentian, which was the only one used for the first three
editions — the Aldine (1518), Tumebe's (1552) and RoborteUi's
(1552) — has lost fourteen leaves of the Agamemnon, represent-
tag about 1250 Unes, or three-quarters of the whole play. The
first edition to give the complete text of the seven plays was
that of Victorius (1557), who had the help of the codex
Florentinus, a MS. of the fourteenth century. It was doubtless
a copy of this work that Dorat used at his lectures. Pietro
Vettori was the greatest Greek scholar that Italy ever pro-
duced, and his edition also had the advantage of some ad-
ditional emendations by the pubUsher, Henri Estienne, who
knew Greek as if it were his native language, and who says
that he had consulted not less than fifteen MSS. (many of
which, however, did not contain the Agamemnon). But even
with these two great scholars before him Dorat had in so
difficult a play as the Agamemnon a considerable field for

dorat's lectures 223

conjecture, axid a good many of his corrections have carried
conviction to subsequent editors. Among the more striking
are avdaXolev for aS ddvoiev (1. 340), eSedXa for ea&Xd (1. 769),
KXrjSova'! for r)iovd<; (1. 854), KXv^eiv for KXveiv (1. 1181), and
opKov TrTJry fia for opKo<! vfjfia (1. 1 197), a masterly correction
suggested by the Tov<i xaxm Trayei/Ta? opKovi of Euripides's
Ipkigenia in Aulis.

M. Chamard brings two reproaches against Dorat. The first
is that he directed the special attention of his pupils to the
most difficTolt Greek authors — Pindar, Aeschylus, Aristo-
phanes. They are difficult, it is true, especially Pindar and
Aeschylus ; but more than any Greek author, except Homer,
whom Dorat also expounded to his students, they combine
high poetic imagination — Aristophanes, at any rate, in the
Birds — ^with an unfailing sense of style, and this was just
what French poetry needed in order to raise it to a higher
plane than it had reached in the hands of Marot. M. Chamard's
second reproach is that Dorat perverted the taste of his pupils
by introducing them to ApoUonius Rhodius and Callimachus,
Aratus and Nicander, and even the obscure Lycophron, and
by putting these Alexandrian poets of the third century B.C.
on the same level as the great classics. In support of the second
count of this charge M. Chamard adduces Ronsard's Ode to
Michel de I'Hospital, in which he enumerates among the
poetes humains Hesiod, Theocritus, ApoUonius Rhodius,
Lycophron, the Greek tragedians and comic poets^- As for
the first count, we know from contemporary evidence that
Dorat lectured on Callimachus and Lycophron 2, and that he
amused himself by making anagrams in the manner of

1 Laumonier adds a reference to the opening of the Hymn to Death
(Bl. V. 240) in which Ronsard joins Aratus and Nicander with Hesiod and
Homer. This hymn was published in the second half of 1555.

" For Lycophron see Breve exposition du premier livre des Odes, par
I. M. P. (probably Jean Martin Parisien) printed at the end of the Odes of
1550 (CEuvres, ed. Laumonier, 11. 203 f.). For Callimachus we have the evi-
dence of Florent Chxestien, the Greek scholar and future tutor of Henry IV
{Seconde Response de F. de la Baronnie h Messire Pierre de Ronsard [1563],
cited by M. Auge-Chiquet, J. -A . de Baif, 1909, p. 33, n.*).

224 DORAT AND THE PLi^IADE

Lycophron, as, for instance, Sw? 6 TipirapSpoi;, an anagram
(neglecting one of the three p's) of Uerpo? 'Fcapo-apSo^, which
appears on the title-page of the Odes of 1550. As for Apollo-
nius and the didactic poets Aratus and Nicander, the state-
ment that Dorat introduced Ronsard to them is only an
inference — I believe a correct one — from the fact that we
find traces of their inspiration in some of Ronsard's poems.

It may be well therefore to consider at what date the poems
in which Alexandrian influence can be detected were written.
M. Laumonier's admirable edition of the Odes of 1550^ and
his equally admirable Ronsard, poete lyrique, where the sources
of the poems are given, and their dates, so far as possible, are
determined, will serve as a guide.

In the epode which concludes Ode iii of Book i^ written
according to M. Laumonier in the second half of 1549 ^nd
therefore not long before the volume was pubKshed, Ron-
sard prides himself on having introduced to his country-
men, Callimachus, Pindar, and Horace. Now, as a matter of
fact, Callimachus is the only Alexandrian poet besides
Theocritus (admittedly a poet of the first rank) of whom
undoubted reminiscences can be found in the Odes of 1550.
They all occur in Book i — in the poem above referred to, in
Ode II (written in 1547 or 1548)8, and in Odes ix (to Joachim
Du Bellay)* and xviii^, both of 1549, and they all come
from the same poem, the Hymn to Apollo^ -

In 1553 and 1554 Ronsard, says M. Laumonier, made a
careful study of the Phaenomena of Aratus, either in the
original Greek or in the Latin verse translation by Avienus'.
We have evidence of this study in the first line of the Ode to
La Peruse (written in 1553), "Encore Dieu, dit Arate, n'a
pas 8," and in the opening of the Ode cL son laquais from the
Bocage of 1554:

^ CEuvres computes, i and ii.
^ CEuvres, ed. Blanchemain, ii. 47.
2 Bl. n. 43.
« Bl. II. 98.

« Veu d. Phebus Apollon, pour guarir la Valentine du Conte d'Alsinois
(Bl. II. 122).

« Ronsard used the edition of Callimachus printed by Vascosan in 1549.
' Ronsard, poite lyrique, p. 360, n.^. » Bl. vi. 43.

RONSARD AND THE ALEXANDRIAN POETS 225

J'ai I'esprit tout ennuy6

D'avoir trop estudi^

Les Phenomenes d'Arate^.

In the Ode sur les miseres des hommes, first printed in the
1553 edition of the Amours, the last two stanzas are inspired
by Nicander's Theriaca, and a chanson of the same volume
begins with

D'un gosier masche-laurier

J'oy crier
Dans Lycophron ma Cassandre^,

the first line being a translation of Lycophron's ha^vrt^w^av
...eKXaijjiwv, from his poem of Alexandra, in which Cassandra
prophesies the fail of Troy and the various adventures of the
Greek and Trojan heroes. The same epithet of Sa^i/T^^ayo?
caused Ronsard to alter the third and fourth Unes of the
fifth strophe of the Ode to Joachim Du Bellay to

,^ Sur tous ses enfans qui ont bien

Masch6 le laurier Delphien.

But this alteration did not appear till the third edition of the
Quatre premiers livres des Odes, pubMshed in January 1555.
Among the new odes of this volume there is one addressed to
Catherine de' Medici, and in this will be found an obscure
reference to the birth and childhood of Zeus, which is evi-
dently taken from CalHmachus's h57mn to that deity*.

It must be remembered that in 1551, at the latest, Ronsard
left the College of Coqueret and about this time, probably
from 1551 to 1553, attended the lectures of Adrien Turnebe,
the Regius Professor of Greek, and that in 1553 Turnebe
edited a volume of selections from seventeen Greek poets*.

In 1555 Ronsard began to substitute the H5min for the
Pindaric and other forms of the serious Ode; the First Book
of Hymns appeared in the second half of that year, and the

^ Bl. II. 162 (v. xviii). An edition of Aratus accompanied by the Latin
verse translation of Avienus was published at Paris iu 1540 by Jean-Loys
of Thielt (Tiletanus).

2 Bl. I. 130.

^ Bl. II. 179; Laumonier, R. poHe lyrique, p. 398.

'' Laumonier, R. poHe lyrique, p. 124; Vie de R. par Binet, p. 99.

T.s.r.R. 15

226 DORAT AND THE PLEIADE

Second Book in 1556 (after August). One of the hymns in the
Second Book (Bl. i. ii) is inspired by Apollonius Rhodius, and
another (Bl. i. iii) by the same poet and Theocritus, while
two, one in the First Book (Bl. i. x), and the other in the
Second Book (Bl. i. i), are modelled on the hymns of the neo-
Latin poet MaruUus — Greek by birth, Itahan by adoption —
who himself was largely inspired by CaUimachus.

It will now appear that even during those years — 1545 to
1556 — in which Ronsard was most strongly influenced by his
enthusiasm for Greek poetry he did not borrow much from
the Alexandrians. His learning in fact is derived from very
numerous sources, both Greek and Latin, especially from
Ovid and Virgil, and, above all, Horace, and we have just
seen what he owed to the neo-Latin poet, Marullus. But,
when aU due reservations have been made, the fact remains
that Chamard, Laumonier, Vianey, and others are perfectly
justified in pointing out that much of Ronsard's earher poetry
is over-burdened by learning to the point of pedantry^ that
in his noble passion for the poetry of Greece he did not
sufficiently discriminate between subUme poets like Homer,
Pindar, and Aeschylus, and third-rate writers Hke the prosaic
Aratus, the harsh Nicander, and the obscure Lycophron ; and
that as the result of these errors his taste is not altogether
sure. He had not that unfaihng sense of style and of what is
fitting in art which sustains Milton, with all his learning, in
the empyrean of pure poetry.

But are these defects to be charged to Dorat's account?
Was it Dorat's attitude towards literature which perverted
the taste of his pupils? Listen to what Ronsard says in an ode
addressed to his former teacher:

Renoinm6 parmi la France
Ainsi qu'un oracle viens
Pour denouer aux plus sages
Les plus ennou6s passages
Des livres laborieus^.

For it must be remembered that Dorat was not only an in-
spiring teacher who revealed to his pupils the glories of Homer

» A Jaa D'Orat (Odes, i. xi).

DORAT AND GREEK LITERATURE 227

and Pindar and the Prometheus Vinctus; he was primarily a
scholar and a trainer of scholars ; above all he was a textual
critic, who had spent much time on the interpretation of a
very difficult author, and one, moreover, who had a singularly
wide range of poetic vocabulary. We read in Professor
Pearson's preface to Headlam's Agamemnon that "Headlam
had devoted himself for twenty years to the study of Aeschylus;
he had ransacked the whole of the extant Greek literature in
order to equip himself for the task of emending, explaining,
and illustrating his favourite author." Now Headlam had a
warm admiration for the work of Turnebe and Dorat and
Henri Estienne, and he admired it because the width of their
reading enabled them to bring to the interpretation of Greek
texts an intimate knowledge of Greek thought and Greek
expression.

However, when all is said, it is very possible that Dorat
spent too much time in his lectures over the discussion of
"knotty passages" of "laborious" but third-rate authors,
and that in his enthusiasm for everything Greek he was too
lenient to the faults of pedantry and obscurity and a prosaic
style. For when Dorat was appointed Principal of the CoUege
of Coqueret — ^sotnetime between 1545 and 1547 — the apprecia-
tion of the great classical writers for their style was a new
thing in France. Rabelais, who pubhshed his Third Book
in 1546^, certainly read his Greek and Latin authors more
for their contents than for their style. He calls Homer
"the paragon of aU philologists," and he never mentions
either Aeschylus or Sophocles. Dorat's attitude to the
classical masterpieces, the enthusiasm for the beauty and
elevation of their style which he kindled in his pupils, marks
a great advance. But it was not till a generation later that
Montaigne — no professional scholar, but a country gentleman
who loved the classics with discrimination — could with un-
erring taste declare that the four greatest Latin poets were

1 In a huitain addressed to Catherine de' Medici {Poematia, 11. 102) Dorat
says "quarante ans lisant publiquement." If this was written just before
the publication of the Poematia (1586) we get 1546 for the beginning of his
public lectures. This is the date suggested by M. Laumonier for his appoint-
ment to the Principalship. But quarante ans may be only a round number.

15—2

228 DORAT AND THE PL^IADE

Virgil, Lucretius, Horace, and Catullus. Dorat and his fellow-
professors were not pedants — Montaigne, who hated a pedant,
says that Tum^be "had nothing pedantic about him but the
way in which he wore his gown " — they were too naive and
sincere in their love of ancient literature for that, but they
were professors and they had the faults of their class. They
over-valued ancient learning and they under- valued modem
literature, and though they communicated to their pupils a
sense of style which was to have far-reaching effects, they
led them to attach too much importance to mere learning,
and to write for the learned few instead of for humanity at
large. This is the fault of the Pleiade as a school; it is to
Ronsard's infinite credit that he shook himself more or less
free from his early teaching and became a great national poet.

Ill

Dorat was a first-rate Greek scholar and a prolific Latin
poet^, but he wrote little French verse and what he wrote was
poor in quality. Yet, according to Binet, the biographer of
Ronsard, he was one of the seven members of the Pleiade,
and this statement of Binet's has been accepted without con-
tradiction till the present day and has been consecrated by
the inclusion of Dorat's poems in Marty-Lavaux's edition of
the Pleiade frangaise. Recently, however, M. Lamnonier, in
his edition of Binet's Vie de Ronsard, has re-opened the
question. In the first place he agrees with M. Chamard that
from 1549 the word Brigade was used as a distinctive term for
Ronsard and his poetic school. But, as his followers became
more and more numerous, he found it necessary to distin-
guish from the crowd a select band. This, thinks M. Lau-
monier, he first did in the well-known elegy addressed to Jean

1 Joannis Aurati Poematia, 1586. Since writing the above I have read
M. Foulet's remarks on Dorat and Ronsard in the Revue d'histoire littiraire
for 1906 (xm. 312-316). Perhaps he rather underrates the debt which the
Pleiade owed to Dorat for inspiring them with enthusiasm for the beauties
of Greek poetry, but he is quite right in sajang that Ronsard wrote Pindaric
odes in French before Dorat wrote them in Latin. The ode of Dorat's from
which he largely quotes was first printed in 1550. A more elaborate ode,
addressed to the Cardinal of Lorraine {Poematia, ii. 209) is as late as 1557.

PLATE V

TelfutRonJkrdjautheurdeceJlomrage,
Tel fur Jon ceil,fa louche ^fon vifage.
Portrait au vifde detix crayons difitrs:
Jcy le Corps jO'I'^J}'^'^ <^nfa ''Jirs.

PORTRAIT OF RONSARD

THE MEMBERS OF THE PL^IADE 229

Bastier de La Peruse, written in 1553 {(Euvres, ed. Blanche-
main, VI. 43), in which he mentions the names of Du Bellay,
Thiard, Baif, Des Autels, Jodelle, and La Peruse. The last of
these died in 1554, and his place, says M. Laumonier, was
taken by Belleau. Then in 1555 after the publication of
Peletier's Aripoeiique (June) he thinks that the latter's name
was substituted for that of Des Autels. With this part of
M. Laumonier's argument I do not altogether agree. It seems
to me that the mention of the six names in the elegy to La
Peruse is accidental, and that Ronsard's object is merely to
give in chronological order the chief productions of the new
poetic school. Further, it is unUkely that Ronsard should
have sacrificed Des Autels, "qu'il estimait," says M. Lau-
monier, " d'une fagon toute particuliere," for Peletier. Lastly,
the well-known lines addressed to Belleau in August, 1556,

qui vins en la brigade
Des bons pour accomplir la septiesme Pleiade^ ;

surely imply that the Pleiade was not completed till the
admission of Belleau. But I accept M. Laumonier's view that,
when completed, it consisted of Ronsard, Du Bellay, Baif,
Thiard, Jodelle, Peletier, and Belleau. The evidence for this
M. Laumonier finds in eight Hues of the Hymne de Henri 11^,
which Ronsard afterwards suppressed and which did not
reappear till M. Laumonier reprinted them in the Rev. d'hist.
litt. for April — June, 1905, p. 256:

Non je ne suis tout seul, non, tout seul je ne suis,
Non je ne le suis pas qui par mes oeuvres puis
Donner aux grands Seigneurs une gloire 6temelle :
Autres ce peuvent faire, un Bellay, un Jodelle,
Un Bajif, PeUetier, un Belleau et Tiard,
Qui des neuf Soeurs en don ont regu le bel art
De faire par les vers les grands Seigneurs revivre
Mieux que leurs bastiments, ou leurs fontes de cuivre.

These lines were first pubhshed in the second half of 1555
At this date Belleau had not yet pubhshed a volume of poetry,
for his translation of " Anacreon " did not appear till 1556, but
some of his poems were already in print, an ode and a sonnet

1 A Christophle de Choiseul, en la louange de Belleau (vi. 202).
' CEuvres, v. 64 ff.

230 DORAT AND THE PLI^IADE

in Denisot's C antiques (1553), a sonnet in Magny's Amours
(1553), and his Papillon in Ronsard's Bocage of 1554. More-
over in 1554 he had begun to translate " Anacreon " in friendly
rivalry with Ronsard. He may have been admitted to the
select band in that year, and possibly, as M. Laumonier sug-
gests, in the place of La Peruse, but his admission brought
the number up to seven, Peletier having been admitted before
him — for I cannot accept the view that he was substituted
for Des Autels. Peletier had strong claims to admission. On
March 6, 1543, when he was secretary to the Bishop of Le
Mans, Rene Du Bellay, he made the acquaintance of Ronsard,
his junior by seven years, who had come to Le Mans to receive
the tonsure. This interview, at which, if we may take a
passage in Peletier's Art poetique to refer to it, Ronsard con-
fided to Peletier his intention of writing lyrics in imitation of
Horace and Pindar, laid the foundation of a firm friendship
between the two men^. In the following year (1544) Peletier,
who had studied the humanities for many years at the College
of Navarre, pubhshed a verse translation of Horace's Ars
Poetica ^ with a dedication in which he anticipates many of
the ideas expressed five years later by Joachim Du Bellay.
In the year 1547 he was made Principal of the College of
Bayeux at Paris and published a volume of poems, which
comprised translations of the first two books of the Odyssey
and the first book of the Georgics, twelve sonnets translated
from Petrarch, and a small number of vers lyriques. Of these
latter those on the four seasons are the most noteworthy, for
though unequal they contain passages of real poetry written
in an elevated and imaginative style which foreshadows the
Pleiade. That Peletier was regarded as a precursor of the new
school by his contemporaries is shown by the testimony of
Estienne Pasquier, who says in one place that Peletier "began
to clothe our poetry in the new fashion with great success',"
and in another that "he was the first to raise oiu- French poets

^ See Laumonier, op. cit. pp. 23-26.

■■ La Croix du Maine, i. 426. The earliest known edition, "recongnu par
I'auteur depuis la premiere impression," is of 1545 (see H. Chamard, /. du
Bellay, 1900, p. 33, n. 3).

' Recherches de la France, in. 7.

THE MEMBERS OF THE PL:i£iADE 231

to man's estate (le premier qui mit nos Poetes Fran9ois hors
de page)^." Peletier, who was a physician, a mathematician,
and a spelling reformer, and only a poet at his leisure, did not
publish any more poetry till 1555, when he produced L' Amour
des Amours, Vers liriques. In the same year appeared his Art
poetique (June). It is a question whether these latest publica-
tions earned him a place in Ronsard's select company, or
whether he was admitted earlier on the strength of his
previous services to the cause. The point is not important,
but seeing that he resigned his Principalship after only a
short tenure and that soon afterwards he left Paris, and suc-
cessively resided at Poitiers, Bordeaux, and Lyons, and that
his earlier volume of poems was remarkable rather for its
promise than for its actual accomplishment, I am inclined to
place, with M. Laumonier, his admission in 1555 — but a little
before that of Belleau.

To the piece of evidence as to the final composition of the
Pleiade adduced by M. Laumonier I would add another from
Du Bellay's Regrets. Sonnet CLii (written after his return to
France in the autimm of 1557) is addressed to Ronsard, CLiii
to JodeUe, cliv to Baif, clv to Thiard, while in sonnet CLVi
mention is made of Belleau, Baif, Peletier, Ronsard, and Jodelle.
Does not this confirm the view that the six poets named in
sonnets clv and CLVi, together with Du Bellay himself, formed
the select band to which the term Pleiade was applied?

But the term was not in general use, nor did it originate
with Ronsard, at least as a distinctive appellation. This is
clear from a passage quoted both by Miss Evers in her edition
of Binet's Life^ and by M. Laumonier. To his attack on
Ronsard {Seconde Response, 1563) Florent Chrestien had pre-
fixed a sonnet in which he speaks of la Pleiade enyvree. Com-
menting on this in the Epistre au lecteur at the head of his
Recueil des Nouvelles Poesies, published in October 1563,
Ronsard says, "II me souvient d'avoir autrefois accompare
sept poetes de mon temps a la splendeur des sept estoilles de

1 Lettres, iii. 4. I have taken these passages from M. Chamard

2 Critical Edition of the Discours de la vie de Pierre de Ronsard par Claude
Binet, Philadelphia, 1905.

232 DORAT AND THE PLlfelADE

la Pleiade, comme autrefois on avait fait des sept excellens

poetes grecs qui fiorissoient presque d'un mesme temps,"

evidently referring to the passage quoted above from the

poem in praise of Belleau^. In 1566 and again in 1578 we find

another Protestant, Henri Estienne— I am following M.

Laumonier — using the word Pleiade as a distinctive and

accepted term, and in the same year 1578 a poet named

Imbert, who had been a fellow-student with Ronsard and

Baif at the College de Coqueret, says in a sonnet addressed

to Dorat,

Car je S9ay que ne suis de ta docte brigade,
Et qu'encor moins je suis de ceux de la Pleiade.

But the term did not become common, for it is not found,
points out M. Laumonier, either in any of the funeral orations
pronounced in honour of Ronsard, or in Brantome, or in
D'Aubigne, or in De Thou, or in Pasquier, or in the first two
editions of Binet's Life (1586 and 1587). It is only in his third
edition (1597) that Binet for the first time says that Ronsard
gave the name of the Pleiade to Baif, Du BeUay, Thiard,
Jodelle, Belleau, Dorat, and himself. What was Binet's
authority for including Dorat in the hst? Evidently neither
Dorat nor Ronsard. Otherwise, why did he not give the in-
formation in the earher editions of the Life} For he was in
fairly close relations with Dorat from 1570, and it was prob-
ably in that year that the latter introduced him to Ronsard.
M. Laumonier suggests {Vie, p. xxxv) that he consulted
Florent Chrestien, with whom he was on friendly terms, for
the third edition. If this was the case, what is more likely
than that he got from him his information about the Pleiade
and its members? For, as we have seen, it was Chrestien
who used the term in the sonnet prefixed to his Seconde
Response. It is possible, therefore, as M. Laumonier says,
that Dorat passed among the Huguenots for the seventh star
of the Pleiade. But if the P16iade was never a recognised term
with Ronsard and his friends, there is no reason for supposing
that the place in the select band of seven which became vacant
by the death of Du Bellay was ever filled up.
^ (Euvres, vn. 147.

'FOLLOW NATURE"

In a powerful but prejudiced essay Brunetiere has repre-
sented the philosophy of Moliere as a philosophy of Nature,
derived through the libertins of the first half of the seven-
teenth century from Rabelais and Montaigne^- How little
truth there is in this theory so far as Moliere is concerned has
been clearly demonstrated by Faguet, who rightly maintains
that the basis of Molidre's philosophy is not nature but com-
mon sense ^. In the following pages I propose to consider how
far Brunetiere's theory is true for Rabelais and Montaigne.

Both Rabelais and Montaigne were saturated with human-
ism, and much of their thought as well as their learning was
drawn from the fountain-head of antiquity. It may be, there-
fore, weU to consider at the outset what was the teaching of
Greek and Latin philosophy on the subject of Nature as a
guide to Hfe, and to note how far this teaching was followed
by humanists in Italy and elsewhere under the influence of
the Renaissance.

The doctrine of "Life according to Nature," though by no
means the exclusive possession of the Stoics, is chiefly associ-
ated with that sect, and it may be conveniently summarised
by quoting a well-known passage from Diogenes Laertius's
hfe of Zeno.

Thus the end [according to Zeno] is to live in conformity with Nature
(whereby is meant both our own nature and the nature of the uni-
verse), and to do nothing that is forbidden by the universal law, which
is right reason pervading all things and is identical with Zeus the
guide and governor of the whole universe. And the virtue and even
flow of hfe of the happy man consist in this, that his actions conform
to his individual genius, working in harmony with the will of the
governor of the universe.... Now while Chrysippus understands by
the nature in conformity with which we must live both universal

1 Etudes critiques, iv. 179 ff., and see esp. pp. 183-195.

2 Rousseau contra Moliire, pp. 300 fE.

234 FOLLOW NATURE "

nature and the nature peculiar to each individual, Cleanthes, on the
other hand, takes it to mean only universal nature and not that of the
individual^.

Cicero's interpretation of this Stoic doctrine is to be found
chiefly in his eclectic treatise, the De finibus, especially in
chapters five to seven of the Third Book. But there are also
some passages bearing on the subject in his more distinctly
Stoical work, the De officiis. For instance, he there explains
that we have as it were two natures, one peculiar to each
individual, the other common to all men and distinguishing
them from animals by its rational character^. And a little
further on he says, "We must act in such a way as in no wise
to oppose universal nature; but, that being safeguarded, let
us follow our individual nature'." And again, "That is most
fitting to every man which is most in conformity with him-
self. Let everyone then know his own nature and constitute
himself a clear-sighted judge of his own virtues and vices*."
The same doctrine is preached by Seneca, who says in one
of his Dialogues that "a happy life is the same thing as a
life in accordance with nature*," and in the Moral Epistles
dilates on the text "Omnia vitia contra naturam pugnant*."

From the very beginning of the Renaissance Cicero and
Seneca played an important part in the development of
humanism. Petrarch was steeped in them, and before his dis-
covery of Cicero's letters his Latin style was mainly formed
by Cicero's philosophical works and Seneca's Moral Epistles.
The Tusculans, he says, were familiar to him from his youth',
and he also possessed manuscripts of the De officiis, the De
natura deorum, and the second book of the Academica prior a^.
He did not know the De finibus.

After Petrarch's death the study of Cicero was earned on
at Florence by Coluccio Salutati, who was also a close student
of Seneca, and at Padua by Giovanni Conversini, who had
lived for three years with Petrarch as a copyist. Among

' Diog. Laert. vii. 88-89. ' De off. 1. 30, 107.

' lb. I. 31, no. ■< lb. I. 31, 113-114,

° De vita beata, in. 8, 2. « Ep. xx. 5.

' P. de Nolhac, Pitrarque et V Humanisme , 2 vols. 1907, i. 221.
« Op. cit. 1. 228.

VALLA S DE VOLUPTATE 235

Conversini's many pupils was the great schoolmaster, Vitto-
rino da Feltre, who in his school of La Giocosa at Mantua
(1423-1446) taught the Stoic philosophy as part of his regular
curriculum. But in his hands, as in those of all the humanist
teachers, philosophy was coniined to ethics, and "by ethics
was meant little more than the commonplaces of Roman Stoic
morality as expounded by Cicero and Seneca^." The writings
of Cicero that were chiefly used for this purpose were the
De officiis and the Tusculans. Battista Guarino, in his treatise
De ordine docendi et studendi, written in 1559, which claims to
represent the teaching of his distinguished father, Guarino da
Verona* says of Cicero that ' ' none of his works are so attractive
to me personally as the De officiis and the Tusculans^."

The first critical treatment of Greek and Roman ethical
philosophy came appropriately from Lorenzo VaUa, the
founder of modem criticism. In the year 1432 he published
his treatise De voluptate, in which under the form of a dia-
logue between Leonardo Bruni, Niccolo de' Niccoli, and
Antonio Beccadelli, he examines the ethical doctrines of the
Stoics and Epicureans and compares them with Christian
teaching. The first speaker is Leonardo Bruni, who defends the
Stoic position that virtue is the true good, but who at the
same time, obhvious of the Stoic precept of "Live according
to Nature," arraigns Nature as a maleficent agent and the
natural man as evil rather than good. He is followed by
Beccadelli, "II Panormita," who appears not only as the
champion of the Epicureans and Nature — "quod natura
finxit atque formavit id nisi sanctum laudabileque esse non
posse " — ^but as the advocate of physical pleasure in its most
debased forms. The discussion is closed by Niccolb de' Niccoli,
who defends the Epicureans against the Stoics, but who
maintains the inferiority of both systems to Christianity.
Some modem critics — Voigt^, for instance, and Symonds —
have chosen to regard II Panormita as the mouthpiece of
Valla's own opinions, but there seems to be no justification

^ W. H. Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and other humanist educators,
Cambridge, 1905, p. 221.
* Woodward, op. cit. p. 172.
3 Die Widerbelebung des classischenAlterthums, 3rd ed., 2 vols. Berlin, 1893.

236 ' ' FOLLOW NATURE "

for this. It is true that the Epicurean champion has the hon's
share of the dialogue, but his unblushing hedonism is so
greatly exaggerated and so thoroughly ahen to the true doc-
trines of Epicurus that it is difficult to suppose that Valla
can have chosen him to express his own views. Rather, the
page or two in which he speaks in his own name lead one to
the conclusion that he more or less agreed with Niccol6 de'
Niccoli in holding that there is more good than evil in human
nature, that God is Love, and that the Christian rehgion is
one of joyous freedom and not of gloomy asceticism^.

The De voluptate was printed at Louvain by Rodolf LoefEs
in 1483^, but before this date a knowledge of the classical
sources of ancient ethical theory had been diffused by the
printing-press. The De officiis was printed at Mainz by Fust
and Schoeffer in 1465, and Cicero's Opera philosophica at
Rome by Sweynheym and Pannartz in 147 1. The editio prin-
ceps of Seneca's works appeared at Naples in 1475, and in the
same year Ambrogio Traversari's Latin translation of Dio-
genes Laertius, which he made by order of Cosmo de' Medici
about 1430, was printed at Venice by Nicolas Jenson*. The
Greek text did not appear till 1533, printed by Froben at
Basle. The princeps of Stobaeus is a Venice edition of 1535.

How familiar the phrase "Live according to Nature," as
representing the ethical doctrine of the Stoics and the Epi-
cureans, had become at the opening of the sixteenth century
may be gathered from the famous letter of Amerigo di
Vespucci to Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de* Medici (1503)
describing his third voyage, the Latin version of which by

1 See G. Mancini, Vita di Lorenzo Valla, Florence, iSgr, pp. 46-48. Had
I seen this informing and sympathetic account of Valla before I wrote my
Dawn of the French Renaissance I should not have described his attitude
towards the Church as one " of cold and critical hostility," nor should I have
made the blunder of attributing his translation of Homer to Niccol6 Valla.

" The title of this edition is Liber pangeticos de vera bono. There is a copy
at the Hague and there was one in the Ubrary at Louvain before it was
burnt by the Germans. In the Paris edition of 1512 (Badius Ascensius)
and in the Basle editions of 1519 and 1540 the title is De voluptate ac de vero
bono. There is little difference between the two texts, except as regards the
framework of the dialogue.

' There is another edition, without place or date, which may be a year
or two earlier (Hain, 6196; Proctor, 7364).

RABELAIS AND MACHIAVELLI 237

Fra Giocondo, entitled Mundus Novus, obtained a wide cir-
culation in Western Europe. Vespucci, though he had re-
ceived a good education (which included Latin) from his
uncle, a Dominican teacher at Florence, was far from learned,
but he says that the natives "Uve according to Nature and
may be called Epicureans rather than Stoics." In More's
Utopia, the framework of which was suggested by Vespucci's
accounts of his voyages and which was printed at Louvain in
1516, and at Paris in 1517, the doctrine of "Live according to
Nature" makes a considerable figure. The Utopians, we are
told, "define virtue thus, that it is living according to Nature,
and think that we are made by God for that end"; "They
imagine that Nature prompts all people to seek after pleasure,
as the end of all they do... and they call every motion a state,
either of body or mind, in which Nature teaches us to delight
in pleasure."

Five years before the publication of the Utopia More's
friend Erasmus printed at Paris the Praise of Folly, which he
had written in More's house in England. It opens with an
ironical defence of foUy, which is based on the passions, as
against the wisdom of the Stoics, which is based on reason.

Machiavelli's Discourses on the first decade of Livy and
Prince were not printed till 1531 and 1532 respectively, but
he began to write them both in 1513. His conception of
human nature, upon which his whole theory of politics and
government was based, was at the opposite pole to that of
his fellow-countryman Pico della Mirandola's treatise On the
Dignity of Man^. He not only believed in the essential de-
pravity of man, but he held that he cannot alter his nature.
"We cannot," he says in the Discourses, "run counter to the
inchnations of Nature," and then he proceeds to give instances
— ^Fabius Maximus from Roman history, Piero Soderini and
Pope Julius II among his contemporaries — of men who could
not alter their characters^. It follows from this that one of
the chief functions of law and government is to prevent men
from following nature.

1 See L. A. Burd in The Cambridge Modern History, I. 203-211.
" Discorsi, iii. 9.

238 " FOLLOW NATURE ' '

All these sources of information as to the ethical theories
current in the ancient world and revived at the Renaissance
were accessible to Rabelais, but, though the great majority
were certainly known to him, they do not appear to have much
influenced him. His favourite work of Cicero was not the De
officiis or the Tusculans or the De finibus, but the De divina-
tione. His borrowings from Seneca are few^. He mentions
Diogenes Laertius once, but that great authority on Rabelais's
sources, W. F. Smith, says in a letter to me that "there are
very few passages that can with anything like certainty be
referred to him." Rabelais makes no reference to Stobaeus,
whose Eclogue were not printed, as we have seen, till 1535,
but M. Plattard points out how useful this anthology might
have been to him, and thinks it very probable that he actu-
ally made use of it^, as Montaigne certainly did. As for the
Renaissance writers, Rabelais had read the Prince but was
strongly opposed to its theories, and only three passages are
cited by Mr W. F. Smith in his exhaustive article on Rabelais's
debt to Erasmus as borrowed direct from the Praise of Folly,
whereas he enumerates about 320 possible borrowings from
t\i& Adagia^. It is different with More's ?7fo^i«. Rabelais evi-
dently knew it well and he borrowed from it not a few sug-
gestions and touches, but one need not look to this or any
other particular source for such a commonplace of ancient
philosophy as "Live according to Nature."

We may now consider how far Rabelais's conception of
Nature corresponds to these classical theories of antiquity and
the Renaissance, and first let us listen to what Bruneti^re has
to say on the subject:

Pantagruel and Gargantua are personifications of physical force, of
an unlimited capacity for eating and drinking, of health, of equihbrium
and solidity of temperament. It follows that they are also " energies
of nature " ; and thus they represent at once what is most poetical and
most philosophical in Rabelais's work.... If paganism is nothing but
the divinisation of the energies of nature, there has hardly ever been

' J. Plattard, L'ceuvre de Rabelais, igio, p. 251.

2 Op. cit. pp. 252-253.

' Rev. des itudes rabelaisiennes, vi (1908), 215 fi.

THE ABBEY OF THELEMA 239

a more fervent pagan than Rabelais, and neither the Renaissance nor
even antiquity have produced anything more naturalistic than the
poem of this monk and physician. Others besides Rabelais have no
doubt loved nature, but one may say, one must say of him that he is

UteraOy drunk with it Infiniment f6conde et inflniment bonne,

infiniment complaisante aux instincts qu'elle a mis en nous, c'est
Nature, qui de son ample sein, comme d'une source intarissable,
verse a flots presses, dans toutes ses creatures, et y renouvelle in-
cessamment le d6sir et la joie, I'orgueil et la volupte de vivre. Nature
est tout en nous, et nous ne sommes rien qu'en elle. Tout vient d'elle,
et tout y retoume^.

Brunetiere then proceeds to quote in support of his main con-
tention two passages from Rabelais's book. The first is the
well-known account of the manner of living of the Thelemites.
I will give it in W. F. Smith's admirable translation:

All their Life was laid out, not by Laws, Statutes, or Rules, but
according to their Will and free Pleasure. They rose from their Bed
when it seemed good to them, they drank, ate, worked, slept, when
the Desire came upon them. None did awake them, none did con-
strain them to drink or to eat, or to do anything else whatsoever; for
so had Gargantua estabUshed it. In their Rule there was but this
Clause :

Do WHAT THOU WILT.

Because that men who are free, weU-born, well-educated^, con-
versant in honest Company, have by nature an Instinct and Spur,
which always prompteth them to virtuous Actions and withdraweth
them from Vice; and this they style Honour. These same Men, when
by vile Subjection and Constraint they are brought down and en-
slaved, do turn aside the noble Affection by which they are freely
inclined unto Virtue, in order to lay aside and shake off this yoke of
Slavery.

The above passage was written before the end of 1533*,
and appeared in print almost certainly before the end of I534-
In March 1536 Calvin published his Christianae Religionis
Institutio. A second edition followed in August 1539, in which

1 Histoire de la litUrature frangaise classique, i. 133.

2 Bien instruits; Smith renders "well-bred."

3 M. Hauser has suggested {£tudes sur la RSforme franfaise, 1909, p. 51)
that these chapters on the Abbey of Thelema were written at a certain
interval after the rest, perhaps after the affair of the Placards (October 1534),
on the ground that they are a refutation of the doctrine of grace, which he
supports in cc. xxix (Grandgousier's letter) and XL (Tous vrays Christians. . .
prient Dieu; et Dieu les prend en grace). But the suggestion is untenable,
for Gargantua must have been already published when the affair of the
Placards took place.

240 FOLLOW NATURE

the six original chapters were increased to seventeen and the
whole work was more than trebled in matter. From this
enlarged edition Calvin made a French translation in 1541,
in which, says Brunetiere, "Rabelais read the following words."
He then proceeds to cite the passage (not quite correctly)
from the French edition of 1560, which Rabelais could not
have seen. But this is of no real moment, for the passage in
question hardly differs at all in the two editions. It was as
follows in the first edition :

Ceux qui ont definy le pech6 originel estre un d6faut de justice
originelle, combien qu'en ces parolles lis ayent comprises toute la sub-
stance, toutesfois Us n'ont suffisamment exprim6 la force d'iceluy. Car
nostre nature n'est pas seulement vuide et destitute de tous biens,
mais eUe est tellement fertile en toute espece de mal qu'elle ne pent
estre oisive^.

Six years later (1547) a similar account of original sin
appeared in Bude's so-called Institution du Prince, the post-
humous work evolved by an unscrupulous editor from
the collection of Apophthegms which Bude had offered in
manuscript to Francis I twenty-eight years before. Then, says
Brimetiere, Rabelais, unable to contain himself any longer,
inserted at the end of his attack on Lent the well-known
apologue, which he found in the Italian humanist Celio
Calcagnini of Ferrara :

Physis, that is to say Nature, at her first Burthen brought forth
Beauty and Harmony without carnal Intercourse, as being of herself
very fruitful and prolific. Antiphysis, who from all time was the
Party opposed to Nature, incontinently was envious of this beautiful
and gracious Progeny and opposition brought forth Arnodunt and
Discordance by Intercourse with TeUumon. They had Heads spherical
and entirely round, like a Football, not gently flattened on the two
sides like the shape common with Men.... Antiphysis extoUed her Ofi-
spring, and strove to prove that their Shape was handsomer and more
engaging than that of the Children of Physis .... Since then she brought
forth the Apes, Hypocrites and Popemongers, the Maniac Pistols, the
demoniac Calvins, Impostors of Geneva, the frantic Puy-Herbauts,
Tearers and Renders, Church-vermin, False-zealots, Cannibals and
other deformed Monsters, made awry in Nature's despite*.

"We see then," comments Brunetiere, "that Physis or Nature

• C. u (ed. Chatelain and Pannier, p. 37).
' Pant. IV. 32.

THE ABBEY OF THELEMA 241

is Rabelais's divinity, and that this adoration of the energies
of nature, invisible or present, circulates, so to speak, from
one end of his book to the other." He has omitted to state
that, whatever may be said for the apologue generally, the
concluding paragraph is Rabelais's reply to two recent attacks,
one by Gabriel de Puits-Herbault, a monk of Fontevrault, and
the other by Calvin, who had spoken of him in his De scandalis
(1550) as one "who after welcoming the preaching of the
Gospel had been smitten with blindness." Probably it did
not form part of the apologue as Rabelais originally wrote it,
but was added later.

We may now consider how far Brunetiere's interpretation
of the two passages is justified. Taking first the account of
the Thelemites, it may be pointed out that the abbey of
Thelema is not the reasoned conception of a philosopher, but
rather the passing dream of a poet, and of a poet who had
been a monk and had felt to the full the irksomeness of
monastic rules and regulations. The whole point of Rabelais's
abbey is that it is the complete antithesis of the monastic
system. In it there was to be no constraint, no regulations,
no fixed hours, not even a clock. Fay ce que vouldras was its
only rule, but in practice this led neither to an exaggerated
individualism nor to an undue license. For in the first place
the knights and ladies are in such perfect harmony with one
another that the wish of one is the wish of all; and secondly
they "have by nature an instinct and spur which always
prompteth them to virtuous actions, and withdraweth them
from vice; and this they style honour." But they are so
prompted because they are free, well-born, well-educated, con-
versant in honest company. These are essential conditions:
you must be well-bom, that is to say, have inherited
virtuous propensities; well-educated, that is to say, have
been trained to virtuous endeavour; conversant in honest
company, that is to say, live in a virtuous environment.
Nothing is said about the grace of God; we have only the
natural man — selected and cultivated, it is true, but still the
natural man.

At first sight Rabelais, who in an earlier chapter has made

T.S.F.R. l6

242 FOLLOW NATURE

Grandgousier say in his letter to Gargantua that "the eternal
God had given Picrochole over to the guidance of his free
will and his own understanding, which cannot choose but be
wicked, if it be not continually guided by divine grace^,"
appears to have veered round from Augustine to Pelagius. But
we must not forget that in his abbey of Thelema he is draw-
ing the picture of a society which had inherited Christian
doctrines and ethics, and which, however much it may have
been imbued with pagan literature and thought, had had a
Christian education. Moreover, the Thelemites had each a
private chapel where we must suppose "they prayed to God,
and God gave them grace." The natural man of Thelema is
poles apart from the natural man of the New World whom
Montaigne glorified in his essay On Cannibals, or from the
natural man of Rousseau and the eighteenth-century philo-
sophers.

Rabelais, in spite of his sympathy at this time with the
doctrines of the Reformers, in spite of Grandgousier's letter,
could never have been an Augustinian at heart. His view of
human_ nature was always an optimistic one. He agireed"
cordially with the protest of the Renaissance against the
extreme view of the sinfulness of man which under the in-
fluence of St Augustine had prevailed in the Middle Ages.
Though the name of Pico della Mirandola is mentioned only
once in his pages, that noblest of humanists was too greatly
revered in France for Rabelais to have escaped his influence,
and Rabelais would have accorded his warm approval to the
treatise On the Dignity of Man. But from taking a hopeful
view of human nature to denying altogether the doctrine of
original sin is a long step, and there is nothing in Rabelais's
writings to show that he took it. His position, in fact, was
much the same as that of Niccolo de' NiccoU in Valla's dia-
logue, De voluptate, a position which after all does not differ
much from that of so orthodox a Christian teacher as Bossuet,
who says: "Nous naissons tout ensemble et bons par notre
nature et mauvais par notre pech6^."

1 C. XXIX.

" Correspondance, iv. 322.

RABELAIS AND NATURE 243

And here it may be noticed that in one of the chapters at
the close of the Fifth Book (xxxvii) which every competent
critic recognises as Rabelais's work, he deliberately sub-
stitutes for the Hav Set iroielv Kara ttjv avTov (fiva-iv of the Hyp-
nerotomachia the French sentence :

Toutes choses se meuvent a, leur fini.

In the second passage quoted by Brunetiere in support of
his argument, namely that from the apologue of Physis and
Antiphysis, it will be noticed that Nature is used in a different
sense to that in which it is used in the account of the Thele-
mites. There it means the nature of each individual; here it
means Nature as a whole, Nature as a great creative spirit. In
comparing Montaigne's conception of nature with Rabelais's
Brunetiere well brings this out :

Pour Rabelais, la croyance k la bont6 de la nature 6tait en quelque
sorte le r6sultat d'une intuition at plus mSme d'une intuition, d'une
r^v^lation veritable. II I'a en efiet cel6br6e en poete ou en philosophe
metaphysicien, comme s'il 6tait enivr6 par eUe; il la vendre et la
chante; il chante la diversite de ses manifestations, la puissance et la
f6condit6 de ses creations, la bienveUlance quasi maternelle qu'elle
montre envers ses creatures.

It was as a poet that Rabelais sang the praises of nature,
and celebrated her beneficent activities. But it was also as a
man of science who had held communion with nature neither
as a sentimentahst nor as a moral teacher, but as a curious and
careful observer of her productive forces and her orderly
operations. Before beginning his lessons for the day and
before retiring to rest Gargantua has to note the appearance
of the sky and the position of the stars, and on fine days part
of the afternoon is spent in botanising. Rabelais himself
was a keen lover of plants and plant-lore and had a knowledge
of botany which in a more scientific age might have been
really scientific. In the third book he follows Pliny in
admiring the care with which Nature has provided for the
perpetuity of plants, by means of ingenious forms of pro-
tection, such as pods, husks, stones, etc., for their germs and
seeds.

1 See above, p. 118.

16 — 2

244 FOLLOW NATURE

But Rabelais's studies were far from being confined to in-
animate nature. He had a considerable knowledge of zoology,
including comparative anatomy, while his knowledge of
human anatomy and physiology was for his day really remark-
able. The whole of the eloquent chapter in praise of creditors
and debtors (iii. 4) is inspired by his admiration for the works
of nature, whether as manifested in the fruits of the earth
— "O comment nature se y delectera en ses oeuvres et pro-
ductions" — or in the microcosm, man. Nature is essentially
for him the mother of inventions, the wise nurse and guide
who not only ministers to the physical wants of man but who
spurs him on to continuous efforts for the furtherance of his
well-being, and the general development of civilisation^. The
herb Pantagruelion, or hemp, with which Pantagruel supplies
his fleet in preparation for the great voyage, is chosen not
only as a striking and beautiful plant in itself, but for its
"admirable virtues" and the manifold uses to which it can
be put. " Messere Gaster, the noble master of arts," is praised
as the inventor first of agriculture, and then of all the arts
necessary for the preservation of com, such as the art of war-
fare, medicine, astronomy, the art of building cities and
fortresses, and a thousand other useful inventions*.

Finally, the priestess Bacbuc, when dismissing the travellers
to their ships, cheers them with the assurance that nature has
still greater treasures to reveal to them. "All that the earth
has produced for you, all that the sea and the rivers contain,
is not comparable to that which is concealed in the earth."

The word of the Bottle was simply "Drink," and in spite
of the priestess's interpretation its full significance is far from
clear. Just as when the priestess bade the travellers imagine
before drinking a second time from the fountain, what at first
had seemed to aU to be pure water now tasted to one like
Beaune, to another like Graves, and to a third like Mirevaux,
so each commentator of Rabelais interprets the answer of
the Bottle according to his own imagination. For Gebhart
it means "Return to Nature... Man is not pure spirit... Live

1 Pant. III. 8, from Plin. N. H. prologue to Book vii.

' Comment Gaster inventa les moyens d'avoir et conserver grain (iv. 61).

RABELAIS AND NATURE 245

without constraint and let your senses attain the end which
Nature has marked out for them; but let them stop there,
and beware lest the intoxication of pleasure hinder the
superior elements of the soul from accomphshing their des-
tiny." M. Abel Lefranc finds in it an expression of the
Dionysiac myth, in which the power of wine S5nnbolises the
hidden and primordial forces of Nature.

But however great was Rabelais's admiration for the forces
of Nature, for her bountiful fertility and ingenious contri-
vances, he held firmly to a beUef in an omnipotent God who
not only created but who continued to guide and govern the
universe. Nature was but the manifestation of God's ener-
gising power. " Do not believe," he says in the first chapter of
the Pantagrueline Prognostication, "that in this year there
will be any other governor of the Universe than God the
creator, who by his divine word rules and moderates all
things, by whom all things exist in their nature and property
and condition, without whose maintenance and government
all things would be in a moment reduced to nothing, just as
from nothing they have been brought into being." Similarly,
in the Almanac for the year 1533, he speaks of "the eternal
King who disposes according to his free will and good pleasure
everything that is and is done," and in the Almanac for the
year 1535 he uses a similar phrase.

It is interesting to notice that one finds God and Nature
spoken of in much the same terms by a pagan writer whom
Rabelais knew well, namely Galen. In his chief work on
physiology, the De usu partium corporis humani, with which
Rabelais was especially conversant and from which he bor-
rowed the greater part of his description of the anatomy of
Lent, Galen expresses his reverent admiration for Nature and
for the Creator in similar terms. The third book contains a
"h5ann," as Galen calls it, in praise of the wisdom and virtue
and goodness of the Creator^- On the other hand, Galen con-
stantly refers to the justice of Nature, and in a remarkable
passage of the eleventh book he points out how she provides
not only for the utility but also for the beauty of her works ^.
1 De usu partium, ill. 10, 237 f. " xi. 13, 897 f.

246 ' ' FOLLOW NATURE ' '

We find an almost identical conception of the relations

between Nature and God in our English poet, Cowper :

Nature is but the name for an effect
Whose cause is God.

There lives and works
A soul in all things and that soul is God^.

But Rabelais was not a Pantheist any more than Galen or
Cowper were Pantheists. It may be true in a sense to say,
with Brunetiere, that he "divinises the energies of Nature,"
but he did not identify Nature with God. He beUeved in God's
transcendence as well as in His immanence^. The word Pan-
theism is too loosely and too readily used in speaking of the
creed of poets. Wordsworth, for instance, is often called a
Pantheist, but Stopford Brooke is right in pointing out that
Wordsworth's so-called Pantheism was a poetic and not a
metaphysical thought. "As Wordsworth wanted a thought
which he could use poetically, he transferred this idea of God
realising His own personality in the whole of the universe to
an actual person whom he creates, to a Being whom he terms
Nature." Rabelais's conception of Nature, even as " a poetical
thought," was less pantheistic even than Wordsworth's. He
did not feel in the presence of nature

A motion and a spirit, that impels

All thinking things, all objects of all thought.

And rolls through all things'.

This poetical pantheism, which resembles that of Maurice
de Guerin, as expressed in his beautiful allegory of the Cen-
taur, and even more finely in the wonderful descriptions of
the Cahier vert, is alien to Rabelais. He had not even that
passionate S57mpathy with nature which we find in some
Russian novelists, especially in Gogol and Turgenev, and in
the Years of Childhood*^ of Serge Aksakoff.

1 Quoted by Stopford Brooke, Theology in the English poets, pp. 48-49.
Both passages are from the sixth book of The Task.

" See J. R. Illingworth, Divine Immanence, 1906.

^ Lines composed a few miles above Tintern Abbev.

' Translated by J. D. Duff, 19 16. See especiaily the chapter. My first
spring in the country. See also in W. H. Hudson's recent Far away and
long ago a chapter On Animism, in which he refers to Aksakoff and describes
his own feelings for Nature — feehngs for which "Animism " is a much better
word than "Pantheism."

PANTAGRUELISM 247

No; the basis of Rabelais's philosophy was not Nature-
worship but Pantagruehsm. If in the first two books of
Pantagruel this signifies httle more than a general love of
good cheer, in the remaining books it acquires a well-defined
meaning. "I recognise," he says in the prologue to the third
book, "in all of them a specific form and individual property
which our ancestors named Pantagruehsm, by virtue of which
They will never take in bad part whatever things they recog-
nise as springing from a good, frank, and loyal courage." It
was Pantagruel who invented the herb Pantagruelion. "For
just as Pantagruel is the idea and pattern of all joyous per-
fection, so in Pantagruelion I recognise so many virtues, such
energy, such perfection, such admirable effects, etc.^" In the
Prologue to the fourth book Pantagruehsm is defined as "a
certain gaiety of mind made up in contempt of accidents of
fortune." And of this spirit Pantagruel is the embodiment.
"He took everything in good part, he put a good interpreta-
tion on everything, he never tormented himself and was
never scandalised... for aU the treasures that the heaven
covereth and the earth containeth, in all their height, depth,
length, and breadth, are not worthy to stir our affections or
trouble our senses and spirits^."

Ill

According to Brunetiere Montaigne resembles Rabelais in
his pagan conception of nature and life*. "On the rehgion of
Nature, and on the worship to which Nature was entitled,
Montaigne expresses himself apparently in the same terms as
Rabelais." There is, however, says the same critic, this im-
portant difference between them, that whereas Rabelais's
belief in Nature is the result of intuition or even of a real
revelation, Montaigne's is rather a deliberate conclusion,
formed after a careful investigation.

Montaigne, like Rabelais, believes in the grandeur and

1 III. 51. " III. 2.

' Hist, de la Hlt.franf. 1. 609-613.

248 ' ' FOLLOW NATURE ' '

infinity of Nature^. "Ce n'est pas raison que I'art gaigne le
poinct d'honneur sur nostre grande et puissante mSre nature,"
he says in the essay On Cannibals (i. 30), from which Shake-
speare borrowed through Florio the well-known lines in the
Tempest^. The whole essay is a glorification of the simple
children of nature who dwelt on the shores of Brazil with the
effete races of the Old World.

lis sont sauvages, de mesmes que nous appellons sauvages le3
fruicts, que nature de soy et de son progrez ordinaire a produicts : li
oil ci la verity ce sont ceux que nous avons alterez par notre artifice,
et destoumez de I'ordre commun, que nous devrions appeller plustost
sauvages.

But of course Montaigne is not altogether serious in h}s
defence of his cannibals. Nor does he really believe that the
civilisation of people who roast and eat their prisoners
"surpasses not only all the pictures with which poetry has
embelhshed the golden age, but even the imagination and
hopes of philosophers'." And it is himiour, and not irony, as
Brunetiere supposes, which prompts the concluding remark
of the essay: "Tout cela ne va pas mal: mais quoi! Us ne
portent point de hault de chausses." For he has just told us
that the only honour paid to a chief in times of peace was that
when he visited the villages which depended on him they cut
paths for him in their woods.

Eight years after Montaigne put the concluding touches to
the essay On Cannibals he wrote the essay On Experience,
which stands last in his book and which in all probability was
the last written*. In it he more or less sums up the results of

^ In this conception he was no doubt largely influenced by Lucretius,
whom he ranked as a poet only a little below Virgil, and whom he cites in
his Essays, according to M. ViUey, no less than 149 times, the great majority
of the citations being taken from the less technical books, the third, fourth,
and fifth {Les sources et I'ivolution des Essais de Montaigne, 1. 169—171).

^ M. Chinard has discovered that Montaigne has borrowed a long passage,
almost textually, from the translation of Girolamo Benzoni's Historia del
Mondo nuovo (Venice, 1565), by Urbain Chauveton, which was published
in 1579. This part of the essay cannot therefore have been written before
that year (G. Chinard, L'exotisme Amiricain dans la littirature franfaise au
xvi" sUcle, 191 1, pp. 197-201). But the rest of the essay may be a good
deal earlier. » M. Chinard recognises this.

* In two places in the essay he tells us that he was fifty-four years of
age. The essay was therefore written between March i, 1587 and February
1588, when he set out for Paris to see about the publication of a new edition.

MONTAIGNE AND NATURE 249

his personal experience, and no essay gives us a better idea of
his attitude towards Nature at the close of his hfe. "The
laws," he says, "that Nature makes for us are always happier
than those that we make for ourselves." " Leave it to Nature "
— ^he is inveighing against doctors — "she understands her
business better than we do." "Everything which happens
contrary to the course of Nature may be harmful, but that
which happens in accordance with Nature must always be
pleasant 1." "Nature is a gentle guide, but not more gentle
than prudent and just." "Nature has maternally observed
this law that the actions which she has imposed upon us for
our needs are also pleasurable^."

A great deal of this talk about Nature is mere sentimental
rhetoric. There was never anyone less of an observer of nature,
whether inanimate or animal, than Montaigne. His sole
interest was in man. He had no eyes for the beautiful land-
scape which unfolded itself before the windows of his Mbrary.
Trees and flowers play no part in his book. His comparison of
his cannibals to the wild fruits of nature is singularly un-
fortunate, for everyone knows that nearly every kind of fruit
under cultivation is far superior to the same fruit in its wild
state. He extols nature as a "gentle guide," but if he had
meditated on earthquakes and volcanic eruptions or the
countless death-toll of the animal world, or even if he had
observed his cat pla5dng with a mouse or a bird, he might
have written differently.

But when Montaigne sings the praises of Nature he is not
thinking of Nature like a Wordsworth or a Tennyson or a
Maurice de Guerin. The trend of his thought is clearly shown
by an addition which he made in the last essay to the passage
about nature being a gentle guide. After writing in 1588, " I
search ever5Avhere for her track; we have often obscured it
by artificial paths," he added in the margin: "And that
sovereign good of the Academics and Peripatetics, which is

1 Added after 1588.

' Cp. Sir T. More in the Utopia: "With due gratitude they acknowledge
the tenderness of the great Author of Nature, who has planted in us appetites
by which those things that are necessary for our preservation are likewise
made pleasurable to us."

250 FOLLOW NATURE

' to live according to Nature ' becomes on this account difficult
to define and explain; as is the kindred one of the Stoics,
which is 'To conform to Nature.' "

M. Villey's careful investigations have shown that among
the authors whom Montaigne favoured during the last years
of his hfe were Diogenes Laertius, Cicero, and Seneca, and that
they furnished many of the additions which he made to his
text. It was probably then, after reading one or the other of
them, that he added the reference to the famous precept of
so many ancient philosophies. But he had already quoted it
with approval in the previous essay (iii. 12) as it was printed
in 1588, and it must have been familiar to him from the days
when he studied philosophy at Bordeaux. But how did he
interpret the word Nature? Did he, like Cleanthes, mean by
it universal Nature, or did he, like Chrysippus, include in its
meaning the particular nature of each individual man? Be-
yond a doubt he agreed with Chrysippus. Man must follow
Nature, his wise and mighty mother, but he must also con-
form to his own nature^. This is well brought out by Professor
Hoffding in the few suggestive pages which he gives to
Montaigne in hig History of Modern Philosophy. "Montaigne's
defence of the concept of Nature is classical in character. But
he carries this concept beyond the limited form in which it
appeared among the Greek thinkers. If Montaigne opposes
Nature to the artificialities of man, he does so partly because
the latter regard certain particular • forms ' as alone justified,

^ Cp. Charron, De la Sagesse, bk. ii. pref. 2: "La seconde [consideration]
est des fondemens de sagesse, qui sent aussi deux, vraye at essentielle
preud'homie, et avoir un certain but et train de vie. Ces deux regardent
nature, nous reglent et accommodent k elle le premier a runiverselle, qui
est la nature, car preud'homie n'est autre chose, comme se dira: le second
a la particulifere d'un chascun de nous, car c'est le choix du genre de vie
propre et commode au naturel d'un chascun."

"Nature, as Montaigne conceives it, is indeed Nature, the ruler's sovereign,
it is also Isis the mother and instructress of all virtues, but it is also his
individual nature, as observation of himself, contact with his feUow-men,
and experience of life have revealed it to him ; and this is a rather different
thing" (Brunetifere, Etudes critiques, viii. 38). Brunetifere's views on Mon-
taigne were somewhat modified between his lectures (1900-1901), which
are reproduced in the History of French Literature, and the article in his
Etudes critiques, which first appeared in the Revue des deux mondes for
September i, 1906.

MONTAIGNE AND PLUTARCH 251

and thus overlook the fulness of Nature; and partly because
they do violence to certain peculiar individualities, which
possess the same right to develop themselves sur son propre
modele as do any others^."

But here another question arises. What did Montaigne
mean by conforming to or following one's own nature? But
to answer this we must go back a little and consider the
development in his ethical views which took place during the
time when he was engaged upon the Essays.

The first strong ethical influence that he encountered was
that of the Stoic philosophy, and this Stoic phase, so far as
precise dates are possible, finds its earliest expression in the
essay That philosophy consists in learning how to die (i. 19),
which he was writing on March 15, 1572. His favourite author
at that time was Seneca; but not many months later he came
under a new and more potent spell, that of Plutarch's Lives,
and before the end of the year he also made acquaintance
with Amyot's translation of the Moralia, which had been
pubhshed in the previous August. The earliest essays in which
we can trace the influence of the Moral works are 11. 3 and 4,
the latter of which opens with the well-known tribute to
Amyot.

Under Plutarch's guidance Montaigne not only developed
an increasing interest in moral questions, but he imported a
new element into his essays. His earliest attempts had been
strictly impersonal; even his opinions and judgments had
shown little or no originality. Then, as he gained confidence,
he began to exercise more independence of thought, and to
give rein to his critical spirit. M. Villey points out the im-
■ portance of the essay That we must soberly meddle with
judging of divine decrees (i. 31) in this connexion, an essay
which belongs to the early months of 1572. Another essay
in which the critical faculty is displayed is that entitled
That it is folly to refer truth or falsehood to our sufficiency (i. 26),
but only part of it can be assigned with certainty to the early
period; the rest may be as late as 1578.

Before this latter date his close intercourse with Plutarch

1 E. T. (by B. E. Meyer), i. 33.

252 FOLLOW NATURE

had been succeeded by a phase of scepticism, the acute stage
of which may be assigned, as we have seen, to the year 1576.
It was in that year in all probability that he wrote the last
and most important section of the long Apology for Raimond
de Sebonde, in which he expounds his Pyrrhonist creed. As
M. Villey has pointed out with admirable insight, it is prac-
tically a defence of relativity. "We have no communication
with Being; we cannot know the absolute; we only know
phenomena which are perpetually changing. ' ' And in support
of this view Montaigne could appeal to a great revolution in
scientific thought which had taken place in his own day. In
1543, when Montaigne was ten years old, Copernicus had
pubhshed, just before his death, his famous De Revolutionibus
Orbium Celestium; in which he gave the death-blow to the
Ptolemaic system. "What shall we reap from it," asks
Montaigne, "save only that we need not care which of the
two it be? And who knows whether a thousand years hence
a third opinion may not overthrow the two preceding ones? "
And as with the Ptolemaic astronomy so with the Ptolemaic
geography.

A thousand years ago it would have been heresy to avouch that
there were antipodes; yet see how in our own age there has been dis-
covered an infinite extent of terra firma, not an island or a single
country, but a portion nearly equal in size to that which we already
knew. Our modem geographers do not fail to affirm that now all is
found, and aU discovered . The question now is, if Ptolemy was formerly
deceived in the grounds of his reasoning, whether it were not folly in
me to trust now in what these latter say.

Even in mathematics there was no security that our know-
ledge was final. Jacques Peletier had told Montaigne that
"he had found two lines converging towards one another as
if they would meet; nevertheless he could prove that they
would never touch, even if prolonged to infinity^."

It is easy to imagine with what reUsh Montaigne would have
heard of Einstein's discoveries. "If Newton," we can hear
him saying, "was formerly deceived in the foundations of his

1 All this is well brought out by Miss M. E. Lowndes in her Michel de
Montaigne, Cambridge, 1898, pp. 148-151.

MONTAIGNE AND RELATIVITY 253

reasoning, would it not be folly for me to trust now in what
this feUow says?"

From the relativity of knowledge he passes on to what
interests him still more, the relativity of morals. There is no
such thing, he declares, either as sovereign good — that sub-
ject of so many violent and bitter disputes among philosophers
— or as natural law. "Marriages between near relations are
criminal with us ; elsewhere they are held in honour. " . . . " There
is nothing so horrible to imagine as eating one's father; never-
theless the people who had in ancient times this custom
regarded it as a sign of piety and affection." Montaigne would
have agreed with Professor Sorley that "different conduct is
appropriate to different circumstances or even to different
persons in the same circumstances." But though Montaigne
held that morality is relative to place and individual and
circumstance, he would equally have agreed with Professor
Sorley that "morahty loses its meaning if the same thing may
be both right and wrong" for the same person in the same
circumstances^- Every man must determine for himself his
own standard. "We who live a private life ought to establish
a touchstone in our hearts by which to try our actions. . .1 have
my own laws and tribunal to judge of myself, and I resort to
them rather than elsewhere," and "If Socrates were asked
what he could do, he would say, ' Live in conformity with my
natural condition^.'"

The Stoic ideal was not for everybody. It was certainly
not for him, Michel de Montaigne; he needed a more ordinary
morality, a morahty suited to his own temperament and
capacity, shaped and moulded by his own experience. And
what was true for himself was true for man in general. Man
must follow his own nature.

Does this mean that man must foUow his own instincts?
This was the doctrine which the Italian Vanini preached at
Paris from 1615 to 1617, and which one of his disciples, the
poet Theophile de Viau, thus expressed in verse :

J'approuve qu'un chacun suive en tout sa nature,
Son empire est plaisant, et sa loi n'est pas dure.

1 Moral values and the idea of God, Cambridge, 1918, pp. 93-96.

2 Essai, III. 2 {On Repentance).

254 "FOLLOW NATURE

But it was certainly not Montaigne's doctrine. He had far

too much good sense not to recognise that man is a social

animal, and that a world in which every man followed his own

instincts would be a world of anarchy.

But it is said that Montaigne was a lover of pleasure, "an

Epicurean with an imagination not incapable of Stoicism i."

True, but his conception of pleasure was not far different

from that of Epicurus himself. "If he enjoyed hfe twice

as much as other people," he was temperate and prudent in

his pleasures and he preferred intellectual pleasures — ^books,

society, conversation — to sensuous ones. In this spirit he boldly

proclaimed pleasure as the end of life, "Toutes les opinions

du monde en sont Ik, que le plaisir est notre but" (i. 19). The

italicised words were added after 1588, and the edition of

1595 also contained the following new passage :

Whatever the philosophers may say, the mark at which we all aim,
even in virtue, is voluptuousness (volupU). I love to din into their
ears this word, which they so much dislike; and if it denotes any
supreme deUght and excessive satisfaction, it is due more to the
assistance of virtue than to any other aid.

The increasing Ucence in thought and language that we find
in the manuscript additions which Montaigne made to his text
after 1588 has led careless or uns5nnpathetic readers to mis-
judge his character. He was something far more than a mere
jouisseur or pleasure-seeker. He had a strong sense of moral
obligation, he listened to the admonitions of conscience, he
curbed his pleasures by reflexion and self-control. The charm-
ing essay On Cruelty (11. 11) which may belong to 1578 or
1579, is of great importance for the understanding of his
ethical position.

The gentle ascent, that soft and easy way, in which those take their
steps, who are regulated by a natural inclination to goodness, is not
the path of true virtue. This demands a rough and thorny road, and
will either have difficulties from without to struggle with, or else
internal difficulties that are introduced by the disorderly appetites
and imperfections of our condition.

But then it occurs to him that by this rule the soul of Socrates,

the most perfect that has ever come to his knowledge, would

^ Gulllaume Guizot.

MONTAIGNE S MORAL NATURE 255

have little to recommend it, for he cannot perceive in him
any struggle with vicious desires. He concludes that there
are three degrees of virtue, of which the first is to be so formed
to virtue that the very seeds of vice are eradicated, the second
is, after giving way to the first assaults of the passions, to take
up arms and oppose their progress, and the third is to be en-
dowed with an easy and debonnaire nature which is of itself
disgusted with debauchery and vice. Montaigne then reviews
his own character, and says that his hatred of cruelty, his
love of truth, his compassion for the weak and the feeble,
being all innate, his virtue is only of the third degree. But
numerous passages in the Essays^ may be adduced to show
that his estimate of himself is too modest, and that his real
place is in the second class. He had "given way to the first
assaults of the passions," but he had "taken up arms and
opposed their progress," and had mastered them in a certain
measure. His Stoicism was not merely an intellectual phase ;
it had a permanent effect upon his character.

Thus in following his own nature Montaigne was not merely
following his instincts ; he was following a nature which had
been strengthened and improved by conscious effort. This
effort owed httle or nothing to the immediate influence of the
Christian reUgion, but was rather noiirished on the precepts
of pagan philosophers and fortified by the examples of pagan
heroes. His great exemplar was not Jesus Christ, but Socrates.
Not that he aspired to tread closely in his master's footsteps,
for he made no claim to be "an heroic soul"; it was enough
for him "to enjoy loyally his being."

It is interesting to notice how closely Montaigne's ethical
creed corresponds with the teaching of so eminent a Christian
as Bishop Butler. In the second sermon Upon human nature
we read that "there is a superior principle of reflection or
conscience in every man.... It is by this faculty, natural to
man, that he is a moral agent, that he is a law to himself."
And in the third sermon we are told that "reasonable self-
love and conscience are the chief or superior principles in the

1 See especially On Repentance (in. 2), On Diversion (ill. 4), and On
Experience (ni. 13).

256 "FOLLOW nature"

nature of man.". ..These, "if we understand our true happi-
ness, always lead us the same way."

Nothing can be more evident than that, exclusive of revelation,
man cannot be considered as a creature left by his Maker to act at
random, and live at large up to the extent of his natural power, as
passion, humour, wilfulness happen to carry him, which is the condition
brute creatures are in — but that from his make, constitution, or nature,
he is in the strictest and most proper sense a law to himself.

Is not this what Montaigne means by "following Nature " ?
Man is a law to himself; let him follow his constitution or
nature — not his mere animal instincts, or the dictates of
passion, humour, or wilfulness, but his higher nature as
purified and developed by reflection and conscience.

Montaigne's moral philosophy — though he himself would
not have called it by so dignified a name — ^was founded upon
a study of his own needs and character. It was primarily a^
philosophy for his own use, not for that of the world. " I am
not writing as a teacher, but as a student; it is not a lesson
for others, it is my own^." But all may read with profit in
Montaigne's lesson-book. We may learn first to tolerate and
then to respect what at the first approach seem to us defects
in our neighbours. For men have the qualities of their defects
as well as the defects of their qualities. Montaigne's indolence
and egotism, for instance, may be reprehensible if judged by
an absolute standard, but his indolence, as we call it, was
inseparable from his love of meditation, and without his
egotism the most valuable part of his book would never have
been written. Whatever be our judgment on his doctrine of
"Follow Nature," we at any rate owe to it the Essays.

Looking back on the results of this inquiry, we see that the
attitudes of Rabelais and Montaigne towards Nature were
widely different. Rabelais loved and admired Nature as a
creative and ceaselessly working force, ministering to the
wants of man, stimulating his activities, and holding in re-
serve for future discovery treasures infinitely surpassing those
already revealed. And this wonder-working Nature was, he
believed, the manifestation of an all-wise, aU-loving and un-

• II. 6 {On Practice). The essay ends here in the edition of 1580.

SUMMARY 257

resting God. He would have delighted in the theory of evolu-
tion, regarding it as a theory of growth and progress; and he
would have welcomed the modern tendency to see in evolu-
tion not a struggle for life or "a gladiator's show" but a
continuous effort towards reproduction — a process, not of
hate, but of love.

Rabelais was no psychologist, no inquirer into the main-
springs of human character, but he shared to the full the
belief of the early Renaissance in the essential goodness and
high destiny of man. He believed in the effect of environ-
ment and education ; but he also believed in the liberty of the
individual. It is true that in "the company of man," by the
help of his feUow-men and by helping his fellow-men, the
individual best attains to true liberty^; but the individual
must not be sacrificed to the society, he must not be con-
strained by a thousand petty regulations or be made virtuous
by sheer compulsion. It was the rigid moral censorship of
Geneva which made Rabelais denounce Calvin as one of the
brood of Anti-Physis. Rabelais was no ascetic; indeed he did
not sufficiently appreciate the bracing effect of moral effort on
character; but, lenient though he was to the aberrations of
human nature, especially to those which sprang from hard
conditions of hfe or unsuitable training, he had too much
common sense, too much interest in man as a social and
political animal, to aUow human nature a perfectly free rein,
or to claim seriously for man the liberty " to do as he pleased."
Montaigne's praise of Nature is, as we have seen, in a large
measure rhetorical, inspired by classical literature, especially
by Lucretius, rather than founded on personal observation.
He had read little in the book of Nature ; his book was man,
man in history, man in the contemporary world, above all
man in Montaigne. And of man he had at one period of his
life a very poor opinion. "The emptiness, the vanity, the
miserable condition of man " is the theme of his longest essay,
the Apology for Raimond de Sebonde, though with his habitual

1 C'est done en vivant pour la soci6t6...que Thomme peut, dans la
pratique, d^ployer et accroltre sa liberty (E. Boutroux, De la contingence
des lois de la nature, p. 185).

T.S.F.R. 17

258 "FOLLOW nature"

and delightful inconsistency he was an ardent admirer of
certain individuals, of Socrates among the ancients, and of his
friend La Boetie in his own degenerate age. But the acute
scepticism of the Apology was not an enduring mood, and,
though in one of his latest essays (in. ix) he declared that
"the best man deserved hanging ten times in his life," his
opinion of human nature became higher with advancing years.
Looking back on his past hfe, he confessed that in spite of its
shortcomings he did not regret it ; had he the chance, he w^uld
live it over again. And as the result of his self-examination
he concluded that each man must work out his own moral
salvation. Once his character is formed, a process which calls
for serious effort and self-restraint, he must be a law unto him-
self ; he must follow his own nature. Thus the precept "Follow
Nature" meant no more for Montaigne than for Rabelais
an invitation to licence. It was, a recognition that there is'
a certain relativity in morals, that we must not judge all men
by the same rigid and absolute standard, that we must make
allowances for differences of temperament and character and
environment.

PLATE VI

Plans delaTour de MoutaiSne

I ^ Cmmunicaiici!

titr'in thamhrz
tils.Lh3ntlU
■ 3 hlileCetirdinlrt-

LA TOUR hi Mljf! I AlhNL

TOWER OF MONTAIGNE'S CHATEAU

MONTAIGNE'S INTERPRETERS

Montaigne's Essays reveal a rich and many-sided nature,
and for this reason they have made many friends. Every
reader can find in them something particular to himself, some-
thing that he can make his own and "incorporate with his
own souP." But the sympathy which Montaigne evokes may
work in one of two ways. Either you may be drawn to
Montaigne and interpret him with a quickened understanding,
or you may draw him to yourself and claim him as the advo-
cate of your own opinions or even invest him with your own
personality. There is yet a third class, who, while they are
powerfully attracted to Montaigne and are unable wholly to
resist his spell, regard him with feelings of positive hostility.
Such are Pascal and, in our own times, Guillaume Guizot.

Montaigne left two devoted disciples, Pierre Charron and
his fille d'alUance, Mile de Goumay. They honoured his
memory in very different fashions : Charron by writing a book,
La Sagesse, in which he arranged and tabulated his master's
Hving ideas like dead flowers in a herbarium. Mile de Goumay
by publishing twelve editions of his Essays, beginning with
the famous one of 1595 in which she incorporated with the
printed text of 1588 all his marginal additions. But both
alike were too enthusiastic and uncritical to be of any real
value as interpreters.

The first critic of Montaigne who calls for notice here is
Jean Guez de Balzac, who in two of his Entretiens, written a
year or two before his death in 1654, and published in 1657*,

1 II ne fault pas attacher le s9auoir k I'ame, il I'y fault incorporer (Essais,
I. 24).

" I have a copy of this Paris edition which belonged to Saint-Amaut and
has his monogram on the binding. Entretien xxxvm is preceded by a letter
dated February 20, 1653, and Entretien 11 is followed by three letters dated
July 1650.

17 — 2

2b0 MONTAIGNE S INTERPRETERS

discoursed on him, with no great insight indeed, but with
average commonsense and a certain measure of sympathy.
In the second of these Entretiens he occupies himself solely
with Montaigne's style and language, but in the first he gives his
views on the Essais in general. They are the views of a man
who, though he had lived for many years a retired hf e either in
his chateau near Angouleme or in Angouleme itself, had kept
in touch, through his correspondents, with Paris thought and
society as represented by the Hotel de Rambouillet and the
Academic frangaise.

The influence of Montaigne on Pascal was admittedly great.
Stapfer calls the Essays Pascal's "profane Bible," and says
that it was "the only human book by which his whole being
was affected." These words, however, require qualification.
Pascal was, no doubt, profoundly impressed by certain por-
tions of Montaigne's book, especially by the latter part of the
Apology for Raimond de Sebonde ; but, if we look a httle closely
into the matter, we shall see that his knowledge of the Essays
was very far from being complete, and that for that reason
his conception of Montaigne's intellectual outlook and of his
design in writing his book goes considerably astray^.

It has been shown that the edition of the Essays used by
Pascal was one pubhshed at Paris in 1652, and, as his con-
versation with M. de Saci on the subject of Epictetus and
Montaigne took place in 1654, this makes it practically certain
that it was during oneor other of his two visits to Paris, of which
the first was from February to October 1652 and the second
from May to December 1653 2, that he made acquaintance
with Montaigne. Most probably it was at the time of his first
visit; for at an earlier date he had made friends with the
Due de Roannez, and through him he now became acquainted
with Mitton, the brilliant talker and incorrigible gambler, and
the ChevaUer de M^r6, the accompHshed man of the world, and

• When I wrote the above I had read but had not in mind the following
words of M. Strowski: "Pascal's reading of the Essays was more profound
than extensive: it was confined to the chapter On custom, the chapter On
the force of the Imagination and the Apology for Raimond de Sebonde; the
rest he only glanced at."

' F. Strowski, Pascal et son temps, 11. 233-234.

PASCAL 261

through them, though we have no positive proof of this, he
was doubtless introduced to the salon of Mme de Sable in the
Place Royale. Now in this circle Montaigne was held in the
greatest admiration ; Mme de Sabl6 even declared that the only
writers in whom she found the art of "sajdng things," which
was all that she valued, were Montaigne and Voiture. So
Pascal, urged by his friends, read Montaigne and came under
his spell, especially under the spell of his style. For him he
was "the incomparable author of the^r^ of conversation'^."
On January 7, 1655, six weeks after the trance or vision of
November 23, 1654 which conftrmed him in his desire to
separate himself from the world, he left Paris for Port-Royal,
and there soon afterwards he had with M. de Saci (Isaac Le
Maitre) , the nephew of Antoine Amauld and the Mere Ange-
lique, the well-known entretien on Epictetus and Montaigne,
of which a fuU report has been preserved.

It is clear from this report that for Pascal Montaigne was
chiefly the author of the Apology for Raimond de Sebonde. He
gives a rapid summary of it to M. de Saci, and in answer to
his Port-Royalist friend, who deprecated Montaigne's cham-
pionship of an antiquated philosophy, he says: "I confess I
am delighted'to see this writer dealing such irresistible blows
to proud reason with her own arms." How thoroughly he
appreciated Montaigne's line of argument is shown by the
fact that the long fragment of the Pensees which forms
Article I of Havet's edition and fragment no. 72 of M. Brun-
schvicg's^, is largely inspired by the last part of the Apology,
in which Montaigne expounds his Pyrrhonist creed.

But Pascal was mistaken when he said to M. de Saci that
all Montaigne's essays are based on the principle of doubt.
He did not realise any better than his contemporaries that
Montaigne's book covers a period of twenty years, during
which its author's opinions were in a state of perpetual change
and development. "My history is a record of divers and

^ In the fragment, De I'esprit giomitrique.

' It is composed of fragments 347-360 of the original manuscript =91 of
the first copy. In the Port-Royal edition it appears (with some omissions)
partly as Hire xxii (Connaissance de I'homme), and partly among the Pensies
diverses (no. 27).

262 Montaigne's interpreters

variable accidents, and of unfulfilled and, when it so happens,
contrary imaginations; whether it be that I myself am
another or that I apprehend subjects by other circumstances
and considerations.... Could my soul find a firm footing, I
would not merely make trial of myself but I would give a
definite account of myself; but it is still a prentice and a
probationer^."

Montaigne's scepticism, at least in the acute form which it
assumed about 1576, was a passing phase. Though it left its
imprint in the development which it gave to his critical
faculty, it became considerably mitigated. During the two
years which preceded the publication of the first edition of
his Essays he was pre-occupied with a new design, that of
painting his own portrait and making himself the central
theme of his book. It was a design which found no favoxir
with Pascal. "Le sot projet qu'il a de se peindre! et cela...
par ses propres maximes, et par un dessein premier et prin-
cipal." HadMontaigne been inspired merely by egotism, Pascal
might have been justified in his condemnation. But between
1580, when the Essays were first published, and 1586, when
he resumed the writing of them, his design underwent a change.
At first he merely proposed to paint a portrait of himself for
his friends, a portrait "for the comer of a Hbrary." But,
supremely interested as he was in the study of man in general,
he conceived that the most useful contribution that he could
make to this study was this same portrait of himself. For in
the first place it was a subject "in which he was the most
learned man aMve," and, secondly, "Every man bears the
whole stamp of human nature." Thus while in the essays of
his Second Book (8, 10, 17, 18) he dwells chiefly on his idio-
syncrasies, on the qualities in which he differs from other men,
in his Third Book, though by no means entirely, he lays
stress rather on the qualities in which he resembles other
men. "It is not in Montaigne," says Pascal, "but in myself
that I find all that I read in his book." "Just so," Montaigne
would have answered, "but that is because I propose myself
as a type of humanity."

' 111. 2.

MONTAIGNE AND DEATH 263

Finally, in another pensee, Pascal calls attention to Mon-
taigne's defects, his use of lascivious words, his credulity, his
ignorance, his sentiments on suicide and death. " One cannot
excuse his thoroughly pagan sentiments on death; for there
is an end of aU piety, if one does not wish to die as a Christian ;
but throughout his book his only idea is to die like a coward
and a weakling." This latter remark is quite unjust. It is true''
that Montaigne's attitude towards death is inspired more by
natural religion and pagan philosophy than by the mysteries
of the Christian faith; but there is nothing cowardly about it.
In his early essay, That to be a philosopher is to learn how to
die (i. 17), which he wrote under the influence of Seneca and
Stoicism, he mges that we should keep the idea of death
always before our eyes, and that we should " combat her with
a resolute mind." As for "the remedy of the vulgar sort^,"
which is "not to think on it," he stigmatises it as "gross
blindness" arising from "brutal stupidity." But before he
came to write his latest essays, he had completely changed
his views. During the plague of 1585 he had seen the peasants
djdng hke flies, and he had been profoundly struck by their
resignation. There was as much, he now thought, to be said
for their attitude as for the proud impassivity of the Stoic
philosopher. But he himself adopted, as his habit was, a
middle course. He was not tormented by the thought of
death, but he did not refrain from thinking about it. He
wished to die quietly and simply, without fuss or ceremony^,
and the account that we have of his last moments, though it
is not by an eye-witness, shows that he had more or less his
wish. In the presence of his wife and a few gentlemen, who
were his neighbours, he heard Mass and received the Sacra-
ments, and with his hands clasped and in perfect possession
of his faculties "rendered up his spirit to God." There was
nothing cowardly or pagan in Montaigne's death ^

The year before the first appearance of the Pensees Bossuet
preached before the Court on All Saints' day 1669 a sermon

1 See Essais, in. 9 and 12, and for the whole question of Montaigne's
attitude to death see P. Villey, Les Sources et I'Evolution des Essais de
Montaigne, 2 vols. 1908, 11. 390-398.

' Pasquier, Leitres, xviii. i.

264 Montaigne's interpreters

Sur les conditions necessaires pour etre heureux, in which he
apostrophises Montaigne in a highly eloquent passage for
putting animals above man without taking into account man's
real greatness. "Do you really cotmt it for nothing," he asks,
"to know God? To know the source of Nature, to adore his
eternity, to admire his omnipotence, to praise his wisdom, to
abandon ourselves to his providence, to obey his wiU, is there
nothing in this to distinguish us from beasts? " This is unfair
to Montaigne, for it disregards not only many passages in his
Essays but even the conclusion of the very essay which
Bossuet is attacking; it serves however to show that for
Bossuet, as for the majority of Montaigne's disciples and
opponents in the seventeenth century, he was the sceptic par
excellence, the author of the Apologie de Raimond de Sebonde.
Bossuet, in fact, was anticipating Pascal's remark, "II est
dangereux de trop faire voir a I'homme combien il est egal
aux betes, sans lui montrer sa grandeur."

Bossuet's friend La Bruyere, though he found Montaigne
in some respects blameworthy, evidently read him with more
than ordinary care and appreciation, for he has introduced
into his chapter On Society and Conversation a pastiche not
only of his style but also of his thought. In another chapter
he says, "Two writers have blamed Montaigne. Both, it
appears, held him in no sort of esteem. The one was not
enough of a thinker to appreciate an author who thought
much; the other was too subtle a thinker to be satisfied with
thoughts which were naturaP."

The keys to the Characters are unanimous in identifjdng
the second of these two writers with Malebranche; but as
regards the first they are divided in opinion, some sajdng that
Balzac, and others that Nicole is meant. The objection to
Balzac is that his criticisms on Montaigne are far from im-
plying that he held him in no esteem. On the other hand,
Sainte-Beuve has pointed out that the sixth book of Nicole's
Pensees sur divers sujets de morale, which contains his tm-
flattering estimate of the great essayist, was not printed till

1 This remarque first appeared in the fifth edition of Les Caractires
(1690).

MALEBRANCHE 265

after La Bruyere's death. But he thinks it possible that the
reference may be to a passage in the Logique de Port-Royal^,
of which Antoine Amauld and Nicole were the joint authors^
Here Pascal's strictures on Montaigne are reiterated in an
exaggerated and acrimonious form. Montaigne's design of
drawing his own portrait is represented not merely as a sot
projet, but as unworthy of an honnete homme, and as springing
from a faulty judgment as well as from an inordinate love of
himself. The frankness with which he speaks of his defects is
only an artifice which makes him aU the more odious. But his
worst fault is not vanity but libertinism, which is made all the
worse by his avowal that he repents of nothing, and that had
he to hve over again, he would lead the same life. "Horrible
words ! which mark the complete extinction of aU religious
sentiment^."

I believe this to be the true solution, in spite of the double
authorship of the Logique de Port-Royal, and that La Bruyere
is thinking not of Amauld, but only of Nicole*.

No critic of Montaigne is more unjust than Malebranche.
His only object in writing his book, says the idealist philo-
sopher, was to portray himself. Now to be constantly speak-
ing of yourself is a fault, but it is sheer effrontery or rather
madness to be always praising yourself as Montaigne does.
(This is a grossly unfair charge.) He is even more extravagant
in his vanity when he describes his defects, for he only men-
tions those which owing to the corruption of the age passed
for virtues. (This is still more unfair.) Moreover, he was mis-
taken in his opinion of himself; he had neither the good sense
nor the penetrating judgment for which he takes credit. It is
an error to suppose that he had a thorough knowledge of the
human mind. He was a Pyrrhonist mainly because in his day
you had to be a sceptic and an esprit fort in order to pass for
a man of fashion. (This is quite untrue.) His admirers praise
him for being wholly free from pedantry; but he was really a

1 Published in 1662, the year of Pascal's death.

2 Port-Royal, 11. 460.

3 Part III of VI (ed. Ch. Jourdain, 1854, pp. 242-244).

* M. Servois, the leading authority on La Bruyfere, thinks that Balzac is
meant.

266 Montaigne's interpreters

pedant, for, firstly, he is always quoting and making a parade,
of his learning, and secondly, he cannot reason^.

But in spite of all this prejudice and of the very imperfect
knowledge of the Essays which it betrays, Malebranche is
sensible of Montaigne's merits as a writer. He recognises the
charm of his style, the natural hvehness with which he ex-
presses his thoughts, and the beauty, vivacity, and range
of his imagination. It is this victorious imagination which
makes his book so original. Tout copisfe qu'il est, il ne sent
point son copiste. But his book, he adds, is not for edification.
If readers merely sought in it diversion, there would be no
harm done ; but you cannot take pleasure in a book without
becoming insensibly affected by its sentiments, and Mon-
taigne's sentiments appeal dangerously to the natural cor-
ruption of our hearts ^.

It is not difficult to understand Malebranche's repugnance
to Montaigne. Unlike Montaigne, he did not rehsh inter-
course with those who differed from him, and from Montaigne
he differed profoundly both in temperament and in intellect.
There was nothing in common between the fervent admirer
of Descartes and reason, who built up on a psychological basis
a complete and orderly system of Christian philosophy,
bridging over the chasm between rationalism and the Catholic
faith with the bold and brilliant hypothesis of the vision of
all things in God, and the unmethodical dreamer who re-
corded at haphazard the sallies of his imagination, who
"added but did not correct," who gibed at reason and paid
but a ceremonial allegiance to faith.

Among Montaigne's prominent admirers in the seventeenth
century it would be surprising not to find Pierre Bayle, who
though bom in the middle of the seventeenth century — the
exact date is 1647 — ^belonged to the sixteenth by his erudition
and to the eighteenth by his critical spirit. We know, in
fact, that at the age of nineteen his favourite authors were

• The "futility" of Malebranche's criticism is exposed by the second
Lord Lytton in an excellent appreciation of Montaigne in the National
Review for April 1883.

' Recherche de la ViriU, Bk. 11 (De V imagination), pt. iii. c. 5. Male-,
branche's book was published 1 674-1 675.

MME DE S:i£vIGN6 AND MME DE LA FAYETTE 267

Plutarch and Montaigne, and the name of Montaigne, with
citations from his Essays, frequently occurs in his writings,
especially in his Nouvelles lettres critiques sur I'histoire du
calvinisme de P. Maimbourg. Montaigne, however, does not
find a place in his Dictionary, which, considering how short
an account of the essa5dst is given by Moreri, whom he de-
signed to supplement, is highly disappointing.

It was no doubt Montaigne's scepticism and still more his
critical and independent spirit, his habit of testing every
opinion by his common sense, that attracted Bayle. On the
other hand, Bayle's older contemporaries, Mme de Sevigne,
and Mme de La Fayette, regarded him as a dehghtful com-
panion, as a charming talker on men and books. With what
joy does Mme de Sevigne take up a volume of the Essays,
which she had unawares brought with her to Livry from Paris.
"Ah ! I'aimable homme ! qu'il est de bonne compagnie ! C'est
mon ancien ami; mais a force d'etre ancien, il m'est nouveau
...Mon Dieu, que ce Uvre est plain de bon sens !" Mme de La
Fayette wished that she had him for a neighbour, and how
welcome he would have been in that delightful garden in the
Rue Vaugirard, where Mme de La Fayette sat in conclave
with Mme de Sevigne and La Rochefoucauld! And how
gladly would Montaigne, among whose chief pleasures in life
was intercourse with well-bred and clever men and with
fair and virtuous women, have made a fourth in that honour-
able company^-

Bayle's familiarity with Montaigne, which is easily ac-
counted for by the spiritual kinship between the two writers,
must have been somewhat rare in his generation^. In the
year 1659, the year in which Moliere, having returned to

1 See the essay, De trois commerces (ill. 3).

2 In the often-quoted passage of the Huetiana, Huet says that "You
would hardly find a country-gentleman who wished to distinguish himself
from the ordinary sportsman who had not a Montaigne on his chimney-
piece." The Huetiana was edited by the Abb6 Olivet in 1722, the year after
Huet's death, from a manuscript consisting of " detached thoughts " put on
paper during the years 1712-1721, which his friend had entrusted to him.
It contains three pages on the Essays and the words above translated are
preceded by "Br^viaire des honndtes paresseux et des ignorants studieux
qui brulent s'enfariner de quelque connoissance du monde et quelque
teinture de Lettres."

268 MONTAIGNE'S INTERPRETERS

Paris from the provinces, may be said to have inaugurated
the Hterature of the great age of Louis XIV with Les Pre-
cieuses ridicules, three editions of the Essays were pubUshed,
one at Paris, one at Brussels, and one at Amsterdam. Ten
years later, the year of Bossuet's sermon, those of Paris and
Brussels were reprinted, but after that no edition of Montaigne
appeared till 1724, when Pierre Coste, a Huguenot refugee, the
friend of Locke and Shaftesbury, and the translator of Locke,
pubhshed one in London^. It was reprinted four times before
his death in 1747, twice in London^, once at the Hague', and
once at Paris*- Ten more editions of the Essays appeared
before the close of the century.

Montaigne had many distinguished admirers in the eigh-
teenth century, beginning with Montesquieu, whose two
references to him, brief though they are, are indicative of his
high appreciation. In the one he says that, in the majority of
authors he sees the writer, but in Montaigne the thinker; in
the other he ranks him with Plato, Malebranche, and Shaftes-
bury, as one of "the four great poets." It is a sign of the
justiceandcandourofVauvenargues's criticism that, although
there must have been much in Montaigne's book to disquiet
so serious and austere a moralist, he does not stint his admira-
tion. He notes, indeed, his want of method, his inabihty to
connect his thoughts or come to a conclusion ; but he praises
him for the bold and moderate tone of his thought, for his
reflective spirit, his originality, his inexhaustible imagina-
tion^.

Mme Du Deffand tried in vain to make Horace Walpole
share her admiration for Montaigne. She declares to him that
"he is more like Michel than he thinks; but Michel had a
friend, and believed in friendship, and that is the difference
between him and Horace*." On the other hand, she found

' 3 vols., 4to, Tonson.

' 1739; 1745- " 1727-

* 1725; this is an improvement on the edition of 1724.

^ Sur Montaigne et Pascal.

" Lettres de Mons. Du Deffand A Horace Walpole (1766-1780), ed.
Mrs Paget Toynbee, 3 vols., 1912, 1. 207 (written in 1767). Cp. also ib.
151 and 208.

VOLTAIRE. DIDEROT. ROUSSEAU 269

a ready sympathiser in Voltaire. Unlike Pascal, he thought

Montaigne's design of portra3dng himself a "charming one."

He has portrayed human nature. Had Nicole and Malebranche
always talked about themselves, they would have been a failure. But
a country gentleman of the time of Henry III, who is learned in an
age of ignorance, who is a philosopher in an age of fanatics, and who
depicts under his own name our weaknesses and our follies will always
be loved ^.

Again, in a letter to the Comte de Tressan, written in 1746,

he warmly praises Montaigne as "toujours originel, toujours

plein d'imagination, toujours peintre, et, ce que j 'aime, toujours

sachant douter." And nearly twenty years later he speaks

of him as "le plus sage et le plus aimable des philosophes,"

and recommends everyone who wishes to learn to doubt to

read the eleventh essay of the Third Book {Des Boiteux ^) .

Diderot admired Montaigne as warmly as Voltaire, but he
did not "learn from him to doubt," and he expresses his
admiration with characteristic enthusiasm and dogmatism.
"He will be read," he declares, "as long as there are men who
love truth, strength, and simphcity. His book is the touch-
stone of a sound mind. If a man disUkes it, you may be sure
that he has some defect of the heart or understanding^."

Jean- Jacques Rousseau's debt to Montaigne was consider-
able. It first appears in the Pro jet d' education de M. de Sainte-
Marie, which he wrote in 1740 during his ill-starred tutorship
to the two sons of M. de Mably at Lyons, and it re-appears
in Emile, particularly in the attention paid to physical culture
and to the study of history, and in the avoidance of regular
lessons from books. The Discours sur les arts owes not a little
to Montaigne, and he is three times referred to in the notes,
but in the Discours sur I'inegalite, written five years later,
Montaigne's influence is negligible*. In the first draft of the

* Lettres philosophiques, xxv (Sur les Pensies de M. Pascal). Voltaire
originally wrote (after la nature humaine) et le pauvre projet de Nicole, de
Malebranche, de Pascal, de dicrier Montaigne, but in the 1748 edition of his
works it is altered as above (see Lettres philosophiques, ed. G. Lanson,
n. 216-217).

" Doutes sur le testament attribui au Cardinal de Richelieu (CEuvres,
ed. Beuchot, xlii. 74).

' Diet. Encycl., " Pyrrhonienne " (CEuvres, xvi. 485).

* See P. Villey, L'influence de Montaigne sur les idies pidagogiques de
Locke et de Rousseau, 191 1.

270 MONTAIGNE S INTERPRETERS

opening of the Confessions he says, " Je mets Montaigne a la
tete de ces faux sinceres qui veulent tromper en disant vrai^."
The remark is a measure of Rousseau's growing inabiUty to
distinguish truth from falsehood.

Other eighteenth-century readers of Montaigne were Mira-
beau, who cites him frequently in his Essai sur le Despotisme^
(1776), Mme Roland who read him in prison*, and Andre
Chenier*. Finally, at the close of the century, La Harpe, who,
though his criticism is often narrow and pedantic, had a
natural taste for good literature, praises his good faith, says
that he paints man as he is, and declares that "the Essays
are the book of those who know how to read, and even of those
who do not^."

In 1802 Jacques-Andr6 Naigeon, the disciple and admirer
of Diderot, published an edition of the Essays, based on the
Bordeaux copy, with its manuscript additions of the 1588
text ; but he did his work so carelessly that it is of Uttle or no
value. Then in 1811 the Academie Frangaise — or, as it then
was called, the "Class of the Institute for the French language
and hterature" — proposed "Montaigne" as the subject for
the prize of Eloquence. The successful £loge was written by
Villemain, while those of J.-B. Biot, the distinguished chemist
and physicist, J.-M. Dutens, the economist, M.-J.-V. Fabre,
F.-X.-J. Droz, and J.-V. Leclerc, were honourably mentioned
and afterwards printed^. That by J.-V. Leclerc was prefixed
to the edition of the Essays which he pubUshed in 1828.

The first interpreter of Montaigne in the nineteenth century
who calls for special mention is Sainte-Beuve. In the lectures
on Port-Royal which he delivered at Lausanne in 1837-1838
he reheved his weariness of his main subject with a digression

* Quoted by Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du Lundi, in. 80.
' Pp. 152, n. i; i68, n. i; 188; 229, n. 1; 261, n. i.

' Mimoires, ed. Perroul, 2 vols., 1905, 11. 190.

* Le critique imprudent, qui se croit bien habile,
Donnera sur ma joue un souflSet a Virgile.

Et ceci (tu peux voir si j'observe ma loi)

Montaigne, il t'en souvient, I'avait dit avant moi. 6pitre, ill.
The reference is to a passage in Essais, 11. 10.

' Lycie, v. 39-41 (Introduction au siicle de Louis XIV, 1797).
' Dutens's in 1818, the others, including Villemain's, in 1812.

SAINTE-BEUVE. EMERSON. VINET 271

on one whom, with Horace and Bayle, he claimed as a
spiritual ancestor. The two chapters in Port-Royal which
represent this digression are too well-known to need dweUing
on here^ In the opening sentence, with its reminiscence of
La Bruyere, Sainte-Beuve says with perfect truth that "Mon-
taigne is not a philosophical system; he is not even in the
first place a sceptic and a Pyrrhonist, but simply nature;
civihsed nature, but nature without Grace." That is why the
Jansenists hated him, because he was ^ar excellence the natural
man. In his carefully drawn portrait every man finds something
of himself. Critics, philosophers, moralists, La Bruyere, Huet,
even St Fran9ois de Sales — aU are touched with the scepticism
of Montaigne. This may or may not be true, but Sainte-Beuve
is certainly wrong when he accuses Montaigne of perfidy, of
attacking Christianity under the cloak of an orthodox Catholic.
Sainte-Beuve is here, to use his own expression, "drawing
Montaigne to himself"; he is seeing his own portrait in his
ancestor.

Emerson, a man of clear-sighted and judicial sagacity,
takes a very different view from Sainte-Beuve of Montaigne's
good faith. He declares that "the opinion of an invincible
probity grows into every reader's mind," and that "the sin-
cerity and marrow of the man reach to his sentences." Except
for this remark the rather famous essay in which these words
occur is of httle importance ; of its twenty-nine pages only six
relate specifically to Montaigne^. One of seven lectures on
Representative Men delivered in 1845-1846, it is entitled
Montaigne;' or the Sceptic; but Sceptic is used in its original
sense of a considerer, an inquirer, one who looks at all
questions from every possible side.

Alexandre Vinet, the Protestant professor at Lausanne,
who greatly influenced Sainte-Beuve and might have con-
verted him to Protestantism had any real religious conversion
been possible, included Montaigne in a course of lectures on
the French moralists, treating the subject with insight and
authority. He thoroughly appreciates the Essa57ist's good

1 Port-Royal, t. 11 (1842), lib. iii. cc. 2 and 3, pp. 395-453.
' English Traits and Representative Men (Macmillan), 1893.

272 MONTAIGNE S INTERPRETERS

qualities and recognises that he "talks about himself in order
to make known man in general." He finds that what is lack-
ing in him as a moralist is a conception of man's relations
with the infinite. He further accuses him of substituting
conscience for the moral law and of setting up a purely sub-
jective standard of morals. Montaigne would have admitted
this, but he would have warmly defended his position. He
might have pointed out that the conscience of the individual
is itself moulded and shaped by the general moral law. But
he does not seem to have considered cases in which conscience
and the moral law come into collision. Would he have justi-
fied the burning of heretics by inquisitors who obeyed the
dictates of their own nature and their own conscience? Would
he have justified the assassination of Henry III by the
fanatical monk Jacques C16ment?

Vinet, like Emerson, differs from Sainte-Beuve in finding
no perfidy in Montaigne's attitude towards Christianity. He
honestly beUeved, he says, that he was a good CathoUc, but
his religion gave no colour either to his life or to his thoughts
of death. Scepticism pervades his whole book, but it is con-
centrated in theApologie de Raimond de Sebonde. Its onslaught
on human reasonis no service to religion, as Montaigne supposes,
for, as Montaigne himself says at the beginning of the essay,
it is the duty of the Christian to "embellish and amplify the
truth of his creed " by study and thoughts-
Much the same view of Montaigne's scepticism, of his atti-
tude towards Christianity, and of his attack on human reason
is taken by Vinet's feUow-Protestant, Dean Church^. Like
Vinet he thoroughly appreciates the charm of his imaginative
style and rambling method, and he draws an admirable por-
trait of the man. But his charge of "deep-rooted selfishness "
is not borne out by the character which Montaigne bore with
his contemporaries, and "gross sensuality" is too strong a

1 Moralistes des seizUme et des dix-septUme sUcles, 1859, based on notes
of lectures given 1832 and 1833 and of another course given in 1847, a few
months before Vinet's death.

2 The Essays of Montaigne (1857), reprinted in Miscellaneous Essays,
1888. W. L. Collins — Montaigne, 1879 (in Foreign Classics for English
Readers), an excellent little book — agrees closely with Dean Church.

PAYEN. BAYLE ST JOHN 273

term for the licence of speech and thought which disfigures
some of the essays. It was an age of outspoken coarseness,
and Montaigne's imagination and language were more hcen-
tious than his life. When the season of his hot youth had
passed, he practised a self-control over his passions which he
never afterwards abandoned.

Up to this time the knowledge of Montaigne's life was
derived almost wholly from the Essays, but during the
middle years of the nineteenth century, as the result of
much quiet and persistent work some useful additions were
made to his biography. Chief among the workers was Dr
J.-F. Payen, a specialist on the subject of mineral waters,
who published first a bibhography of Montaigne (1837) ^^^
then four series of unpublished documents relating to his life
(1847-1856). In 1855 appeared La vie puUique de Michel
Montaigne by Alphonse Griin, which breaks new ground but
is too conjectural to be of much value. Less ambitious, but
more useful, is the little book by E. Galy and L. Lapeyre,
Montaigne chez lui (1861) , which gives, in the form of a letter to
Dr Payen, an account of Montaigne's chateau-^ — ^it was burnt
down, it will be recollected, in 1885 — and particularly of his
famous tower, happily still standing, with the library and
study (Plate VI) . Most important of all it gives a transcript of
the Greek and Latin sentences which Montaigne had painted on
the beams of the hbrary. Another important contribution to
Montaigne'sbiographywasT. Malvezin'sMtcWieAfoM^ai^we,
son origine, safamille (1875). Before this, Bayle St John, who
hved in Paris from 1848 to 1851 as the correspondent of the
Daily Telegraph, had published in 1858, the year before his
early death, the first Enghsh book on Montaigne and the first
extended life of Montaigne in any language ^. It includes what
the author calls, with some justice, a "desultory chapter"
on the Essays, but he pleads that intercourse with Montaigne
has taught him to beware of dogmatism. "I feel an un-
certainty about some of his doctrines which I should with
regret see displaced by absolute conviction."

> It then belonged to Kerre Magne, the Finance Minister of Napoleon III,
who was a native of P^rigueux.

2 Montaigne, the Essayist, a biography, 2 vols., 1858.
T. s.r. R. 18

274 Montaigne's interpreters

All these available materials were fully utilised by M. Paul
Bonnef on, whose Montaigne, I'homme et I'oeuvre, with numerous
illustrations and facsimiles, appeared in 1893 and is now the
authoritative life^

This notable work had the apparent effect of stimulating
the interest in Montaigne. In 1894 Faguet published his
Seizieme Steele; in 1895 Stapler and Lanusse contributed
volumes on Montaigne to the Grands Ecrivains fran^ais and
the Classiques populaires respectively, while Mr Charles
Whibley wrote an introduction for an edition of the Essays
in the Temple Classics^- AU these studies are marked by
sympathy, good sense, and well-balanced appreciation.
Faguet's chief points are that Montaigne "wrote exclusively
on human nature," that "his scepticism is an invention of
Pascal, revived by the French philosophers of 1840," and
that it is his special merit that he has founded on the wisdom
of the ancients "a morality which is healthy, manly, and
brilhant." M. Bonnef on's book also led to Miss Lowndes's
careful and scholarly study of Montaigne's life, framed in the
setting of his age*. Her concise appreciation of the Essays is
just on the whole, but she underrates the importance and
interest of his self-portraiture*.

Nine years earlier (1889) Walter Pater in his unfinished
romance, Gaston de Latour, paid a charming and sympathetic
tribute to the great Essayist. Gaston visits him at his chateau,
and a chapter entitled Suspended judgment presents us with a
skilfully constructed mosaic from the Essays, which is sup-
posed to represent the substance of Montaigne's conversa-
tions during the nine months of Gaston's prolonged visit to
his chateau in the year 1568. As a matter of fact at this time
he had not even thought of writing his Essays^.

As the nineteenth century merged into the twentieth there
appeared two remarkable contributions to the study of Mon-

1 Reprinted, with additions on Charron and Mile de Goumay, under the
title of Montaigne et ses amis, 2 vols., 1897.
' Reprinted in Literary Portraits, 1904.

* Michel de Montaigne, Cambridge, 1898.

* pp. 156-157-

5 Montaigne's father did not die till June 1568. Gaston de Latour first
appeared in Macmillan's Magazine.

GUILLAUME GUIZOT 275

taigne. Both were posthumous and incomplete works; both
were written by men of high character and refined intelligence
who for more than twenty years had communed with Mon-
taigne in close intercourse; both were introduced by Faguet
in a commendatory and sagacious preface. The first to appear
was the work of Guillaume Guizot, the second son of the
statesman, who at the age of twenty had written a brilliant
book on Menander, which was crowned by the Academy and
published two years later (1855) . Since 1874 he had held the
post of Professor of Germanic languages and literatures at
the College de France. He was an admirable conversationalist,
and was much beloved by his friends. Montaigne had been
the subject of his first public course of lectures, given in 1866,
and for more than twenty-five years he had devoted to him
every moment of his leisure, comparing texts, accumulating
notes and documents with a view to a definitive edition of
the Essays and a comprehensive study of his life, his philo-
sophy, and his influence. But he never reaUsed his dream,
and all that the piety of his friends was able to publish after
his death in 1892 was a collection of admirable fragments^.
"II y a, dans notre litterature, des ecrivains qui ont plus
d'autorite, mais je n'y connais pas de plus grand seducteur."
Guizot felt to the full the charm of Montaigne's style, and he
reahsed that when Montaigne poses as an amateur who knew
nothing about the art of writing he is not to be taken seriously.
" As a writer and as an artist he is altogether of the first rank."
And Guizot notes among other gifts his rich imagination, his
power of choosing words and phrases which conjure up con-
crete images not only of facts but of ideas and sentiments.
Another cause of his charm is his "continual and familiar
presence" in his writings. "You seem to have him before
your eyes in his actual person; the movement of his style is
like the gestures of a man talking; you see him smile; you see
him shrug his shoulders ; and you even hear his Gascon ac-
cent." And there is much in Montaigne's character, he says,
to attract, above all things his frankness, sincerity, and good
faith.

'■ Montaigne, Etudes et Fragments, 1899.

276 Montaigne's interpreters

Guizot found it difficult to resist the spell, and for this very
reason he has magnified Montaigne's defects and has judged
him with austere severity. He admits that he abounds in
intellectual gifts which are manifest on every page of his
book and at every moment of his life. But he holds that his
rare qualities were steriHsed by two glaring faults, love of him-
self and lack of wOl-power. That Montaigne had a fair share
of egoism in his character appears not only from the Essays
but from the journal of his travels, which was written for his
own eyes and those of his family. But it is untrue to say that
egoism sums up his whole character. It may be admitted too,
for he admits it himself, that he was indolent, and that he
found it greatly difficult to decide on a course of action,
because he always saw both sides of the question. But his
retirement from pubhc Ufe, a retirement which, be it re-
membered, was neither complete nor continuous, was not due
solely to indolence, still less to weakness of will. It was partly
because he held that a man's first duty is to his own family
and his own affairs, partly because he hated the cruelty and
dissimulation which marked the course of the religious
struggle. La plus grande chose du monde, c'esi de sgavoir estre
a soy^. "There are some men, and these not the worst, who
look for no other profit but to watch how and why every-
thing is done, and to be spectators of the lives of others, in
order to judge of them, and by them to regulate their own."

Guizot is very emphatic on the subject of Montaigne's
Christianity. He concedes that Montaigne believed himself
to be a Christian, but he can hardly imagine anyone to be less,
of a Christian in reaHty, Saul the persecutor and Paul the
Apostle are not further apart than Montaigne and a true
Christian. In a long fragment on the influence of Montaigne
he attacks him in force, and with great eloquence. Here is a.
man, he says, who withdrew himself from public life, and even
from the conduct of his own affairs and the care of his family,
to dream in the secluded tower of his chateau and to pass his
hfe in the observation and description of that self which he
had made his universe. If this self-contemplation had led to-

» On Solitude (i. 38).

RUEL 277

that profound knowledge of his own soul which we find in
the confessions of a St Augustine, there might be some
excuse. But no, he presents to us man and this world and the
other world, as enigmas to which there is no answer. Yet for
three centuries' he has been a general favourite, and he has
exercised his seduction not only on those who, like Ssiint-
fivremond and Bayle, resemble him in temperament, but on
a man so whoUy different from him as Pascal.

And to Pascal may be added GuiUaume Guizot. For, as
Faguet says at the end of his illuminating preface, "The fact
that GuiUaume Guizot wrote a book on Montaigne and to
some extent against Montaigne is perhaps Montaigne's
greatest victory." Indeed, the interest of the book does not
lie in any novelty of interpretation, but in the force and skill
with which the attack on Montaigne's character and opinions
is delivered by one whose admiration for his opponent and
consciousness of his seductive powers have endowed with
pecuMar penetration. We can enjoy with Faguet the "agree-
able" and "salutary" spectacle of this clash between two
men of radically opposite temperaments, between the man
of action and the John-a-dreams, between the follower of the
Christian code and the disciple of Epicurus.

It ruust have been a real pleasure to Faguet, with his well-
balanced mind, to introduce Ruel's book after Guizot's, for,
while Ruel was fuUy as sensitive as Guizot to Montaigne's
charm, he interpreted him not as an opponent but as a warm
admirer.

fidouard Ruel was a younger man than GuUlaume Guizot,
having been bom in 1847, and, while Guizot was a Protestant,
Ruel was a devout Cathohc, the friend of Mgr d'Hulst,
Charles Dejob, and the Catholic philosopher, OUe-Laprune. A
pupU of theficole Normale andof the French School at Athens,
he found a post especially suited to his combined love of art
and literature, that of Professor of Literature at the Fcole des
Beaux Arts, a post which he held from 1876 till his death
twenty years later. His book on Montaigne when completed
would have consisted of two parts, Montaigne as artist, and
Montaigne as philosopher. The first part, in ten chapters, is

278 MONTAIGNE'S INTERPRETERS

more or less complete ; the second is only represented by frag-
ments, some of which, however, evidently belong to the first
part. The idea of considering Montaigne primarily as an artist
was a new one, and, though Ruel sometimes pushes his point
too far, he is always interesting and suggestive. After an
introductory chapter and a portrait of Montaigne which brings
into reUef his artistic nature, he points out that the Essays
are a work of art (c. iii) and he goes on to demonstrate that
Montaigne is an artist, (i) in his faculty of observation, (ii) in
his love of truth, (iii) in his sense of personaMty, (iv) in his
sympathy for human weakness, (v) in his feeling for hfe,
(vi) in his love of measure and moderation, (vii) in his ideaUsm.

The most novel feature in Ruel's argument is his insistence
on the artistic form of the Essays. He is very persuasive on
this point. "Do not be in a hurry to conclude that there is
no composition in the Essays; rather study nature and ac-
custom yourself to comprehend and admire the free and
varied harmony which reigns in her pictures." While Bacon's
essays are like a well-arranged botanic garden, and Addison's
hke the park and gardens of a private house, Montaigne's
resemble Nature herself. They grow with the genius of the
author, they follow the undulations of the ground, now rising,
now falling, here making brusque transitions, there passing
by a gentle incUne from one topic to another, but linked
together behind all their variations of level and hne and colour
by the life which animates them at every point.

In one of the longest of his fragments Ruel gives an admir-
able analysis of the essay On Coaches (iii. 6)^, which is a good
example of Montedgne's method, with his love of digressions
and his habit of travelling to his goal by devious paths. Ruel
is full of admiration for the composition of this essay, the
close of which he compares to the coda of a symphony by
Beethoven. But is he right in his view that its main subject
is the question of progress as symbolised by the various ways
in which coaches have been employed in different ages and
in different countries? It seems to me that the central thought
is rather the question of pomp and magnificence, and of how

" pp. 374 fi-

RUEL 279

far it may be carried without degenerating into extravagance^.
It looks, too, as if the whole train of thought had been started
by the stories which Montaigne read in Crinitus's De honesta
disciplina of the strange teams which Mark Antony and
Elagabalus harnessed to their coaches 2.

It would no doubt have given intense satisfaction to Mon-
taigne to find so much divergence of view among his inter-
preters, especially between two men hke Guizot and Ruel,
who had held familiar intercourse with him for over twenty
years. Guizot, like Pascal, saw in him a complete sceptic, but
Ruel points out that Montaigne often spesiks in the name of
the Pyrrhonists and not in his own, and that this is sometimes
overlooked by Pascal*. This is well worth bearing in mind. So
also is the caution given in the following note or pensee.
"Readers of Montaigne often take for scepticism what is
merely the observation of an artist, and Montaigne himself
is deceived by it*." We have seen what Guizot thought about
Montaigne's Christianity. Ruel admits that his morality is
not Christian; "but is that a reason," he asks, "for saying
that he was not a Christian^?" And in other fragments he
points out that Montaigne believes in revelation, that he is
constantly pre-occupied with the truth of Christianity, and
that the tone in which he speaks of God is that of a believer.
The last remark is perfectly true; any unprejudiced reader of
the Essays will be struck by the note of sincere reverence in
aU the utterances about God and the unseen world. "There
is no end to our inquiries," says Montaigne; "our end is in
the other world." "The saying is profound," is Ruel's com-
ment*, and certainly Montaigne's theory of the relativity of
knowledge is a strong argument in favour of revelation as the
only alternative to complete scepticism. In an essay of the
First Book, which must have been begun as early as 1572,
though possibly part of it was added some years later'', Mon-

1 Quant a la pompe et magnificence, par oil je suis entrfi en ce propos.

2 Stapfer refers to this chapter as an example of the hidden art in the
composition of the Essays (Montaigne, p. 127), and Sir J. Stephen as an
example of their desultoriness (Horae Sabbaticae, i. 124 ff.).

' V- 393- * P- 396. ^ p. 426. « p. 397-

' I. 26, It is folly to refer truth or falsehood to our sufficiency.

28o MONTAIGNE S INTERPRETERS

taigne exclaims against the presiimption of concluding that
miracles are impossible. "It is a foolish presumption to dis-
dain and condemn as false that which does not seem probable
to us." "Reason hath taught me that so resolutely to con-
demn a thing for false and impossible is to assume unto one-
self the advantage of knowing the bounds and limits of God's
will and of the capacity of our nature." It seems to Mon-
taigne "singularly impudent" to condemn stories of miracles
which are vouched for by men Uke St Augustine. He would
have had no S5rmpathy with the Modernists of to-day.
"Either a man must submit himself wholly to the authority
of our ecclesiastical policy or he must altogether reject it; it
is not for us to determine what part of obedience we owe to
it." This was written at any rate before 1580; it is interesting
to compare with it a passage in another essay which first
appeared in 1588 :

Simple minds, less curious, less weU-instructed, are made good
Christiajis, and through reverence and obedience hold their simple
beUef and abide by the laws. In intellects of moderate vigour and
moderate capacity error of opinion is engendered The great intel-
lects, more settled and clear-sighted, form another sort of true be-
hevers; by a long and religious investigation they find a more pro-
found and abstruse meaning in the Scriptures, and discover the
mysterious and divine secret of our ecclesiastical pohty.

A httle further on Montaigne added after 1588 the following
passage in the margin :

The simple peasants are honest folk, and so are the philosophers....
The mongrels who have disdained the station of ignorance, but who
have not been able to attain to the other station (sitting between two
stools, as I and many others do) are dangerous, foolish, and im-
portunate; it is they who trouble the world. Therefore I for my part
retreat as much as I can to my first and natural station, from which
I vainly attempted to advance^.

Faguet speaks of Guillaume Guizot as plapng Alceste to
Montaigne's PhiUnte; it is therefore piquant to find Ruel in
some excellent and suggestive pages ^ comparing Montaigne
to Alceste and pointing out that his love of truth is more

1 I. 54 {On vain Subtleties). Brunetidre has called attention to the sig-
nificance of this passage in an article on Une nouvelle Sdition de Montaigne
{£tudes critiques, viir. i ff.), which first appeared in the Revue des deux mondei
for Sept. 15, 1905.

2 pp. 106 ff.

EDMIE CHAMPION 281

active and practical than that of MoU^re's hero. Both hate
l5mig and dissimulation in every form, but Montaigne makes
truth the object and aim of his whole Ufe.

Ruel is particularly instructive on Montaigne's retirement
from active life^, which he compares to Alceste's retirement
to his "desert." He does not attepipt to deny Montaigne's
indolence, but he pleads that before condemning it we should
investigate its cause and nature. Montaigne has done this
largely for us in the essay De mesnager sa volonte (ill. 10), and
Ruel with this essay for a guide shows that Montaigne, in
withdrawing from the heat and turmoil of the rehgious
struggle, was preferring coolness and self-possession to action
and personal feehng; modesty and simplicity to ambition and
honours; liberty of judgment and impartiality to the spirit of
party. Montaigne's egoism, he concludes, resolves itself into
disinterestedness.

M. Edme Champion, whose Introduction aux Essais de
Montaigne appeared in 1900, the year before Ruel's book, is
Uke Ruel reminded of Alceste by Montaigne's retirement, but
he suggests a different reason for it. According to him, Mon-
taigne loved action and the life of towns, and was horribly
bored by solitude and the country. But he gave up being a
magistrate because of the "vile traffic which covers itself
under the honourable title of justice," and he held aloof from
the Cathohc cause with which he S5mipathised because of the
perfidy and cruelty which stained its successes. The first
reason will hardly hold good; the French magistracy in the
second half of the century enjoyed a singularly high reputa-
tion, and there is no evidence that a profession which La
Boetie had followed with honour had so far degenerated since
his death that Montaigne could no longer remain in it. The
simple fact is that judicial duties were distasteful to him, as
to a man who habitually saw both sides of a question and dis-
liked nothing more than coming to a decision on a disputed
point. As for the second reason, it may readily be granted
that, though a soldier's life sometimes strongly appealed to
Montaigne, he was reluctant to take up arms in a cause

^ pp. 207 fi.

282 Montaigne's interpreters

which, however just it seemed to him, was conducted with a
singular want of humanity. On the other hand, it must be
remembered that when Montaigne retired to his "desert"
or, as he quaintly expresses it in the famous inscription of
his study, "to the bosom of the learned virgins," France had
been at peace since the treaty of Saint-Germain (August 8,
1570). After St Bartholomew, Montaigne, Uke may of the
more moderate Catholics, seems to have been for a time more
favourably disposed to the Protestants, but less than two
years later (May 1574) we find him in the CathoUc camp, when
he was entrusted by the Due de Montpensier with a mission
to the Parlement of Bordeaux^.

At any rate M. Champion differs toio coelo from Ruel in
regarding Montaigne as a man "to whom action seemed the
true goal of existence, and the principal, if not the only,
reason for life." According to him it was in a fit of temporary
discouragement that Montaigne shut himself up in his chateau,
and it was by way of distraction from ennui that he took to
writing. At first his essays were mere cuUings from the books
in his library, with a word or two added by way of comment.
Then as a "new amusement" he set to work to study and
paint himself. But M. Champion insists that this was never
an essential feature of the Essays, and that, when Montaigne
says in his preface to the edition of 1580 that he is "the
subject-matter of his book," he is far from exact. In support
of this view M. Champion points out that, though Montaigne
set special store by biographies and auto-biographies, he has
not given us a biography of himself; he has told us nothing
about his mother or his wife or his daughter; nothing about
his life (except his education at the CoUege of Guienne) before
his retirement; nothing about his military career. He does
not say what he thought of Erasmus and he has shrouded his
religious opinions in such obscurity that it is very difficult to
give an account of them. But Montaigne's design was not to
write an auto-biography^ — far from it — ^but to give us a
general picture of himself, and above all, to portray the shift-
ing conditions of his inner hfe. Moreover, this design was only

' SphimSrides, no. 20 (Payen, Documents inHits, no. 3, p. 14).

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edm6 champion 283

of gradual development ; it is not till the essay On Presump-
tion (11. 17), which was written about 1578, that it is put
forward as a definite conception^.

According to M. Champion, Montaigne's main object, as
soon as he began to take his Essays seriously, was to be of
service to his fellow-creatures. With this intention, he made
confession of his own faults and imperfections, partly as a
warning but chiefly to enable him to criticise those of others.
His whole book is an unmeasured attack on the society of his
age, on its superstition, its pedantry, its education, its ad-
mimstration of justice, its fashions. He attacks all classes
— ^nobles and peasants, doctors and lawyers, authors and pro-
fessors, women as well as men. Finally, in the Apologie de
Raimond de Sebonde, he includes the whole human race in one
furious polemic. As for the Christian conclusion to the essay,
M. Champion waves it aside. He admits that Montaigne
remained till his last hour faithful to the practices of the
Catholic Church, but he regards this as merely the survival
of old habits, and he holds that in reality Montaigne became
more and more anti-Christian. It is true that he never attacks
Christian dogmas, and that he makes verbal concessions to
Catholicism, but his later Essays reveal an indifference which
is worse than doubt or negation.

M. Champion has taken the first part of the Apology, the
comparison between men and animals, too seriously. It is
evident that Montaigne in thus heaping paradox upon paradox
to prove the vileness of man is more or less amusing himself,
just as he does in the essay On Cannibals (i. 30), when he
praises the civilisation of the savages of Brazil as superior to
that of his own countrymen. Montaigne had a fund of quiet
humour, and his interpreters have frequently gone astray by
taking everything that he says as sober earnest. M. Champion
forgets that the same Montaigne who declared that the best
man deserves hanging ten times in his Ufe was a fervent
admirer of Socrates and Epaminondas, and that though he
found much to criticise in his own age — and from the massacre

1 See also 11. 8 {On the Affection of Fathers for Children), lo (On Books),
18 (On giving the Lie).

284 Montaigne's interpreters

of St Bartholomew, which happened soon after he began to
write, to his death twenty years later, the condition of
France was indeed deplorable— he could admire men like
Michel de L'Hospital and Frangois de La None. Moreover,
M. Champion himself points out that Montaigne's study of
man led him to an optimistic conclusion, and that the Essays
end on a note of almost lyrical rapture in praise of lives which
have been led in conformity to Nature, without miracle and
without extravagance.

It is one of the merits of M. Champion's book that he
reahses that Montaigne's opinions changed with the years,
that he was not the same in 1580 as he was when he began
to write his Essays, nor the same in 1588 as he was in 1580.
The great majority of Montaigne's earher interpreters had
failed to recognise this important fact. As Bruneti^re says,
they discussed the Essays as if, like the Discours sur I'Histoir'e
universelle or the Recherche de la Verite, they had issued one
fine morning fully armed from their author's study. The first
step towards a truer conception of the Essays was taken when
M. Reinhold Dezeimeris, the doyen of Montaigne students,
and H. Barckhausen edited the original text of 1580I; the
next when MM. Motheau and Jouaust reproduced that of
15882.

Students could now distinguish between the text of the
Essays as it originally stood and the accretions of subsequent
editions, and could thus follow, if they were minded, the
changes and developments of Montaigne's thought. But it
was still rather a laborious process, and, unless a good Ubrary
was at hand, an expensive one; as we have seen, the
studies and appreciations which appeared in the nineties
show Mttle trace of it. But in 1904 Miss Grace Norton, sister
of the distinguished Dante scholar, Ehot Norton, published
a volume of Studies in Montaigne^, in which she appHed the
historical method to two of the Essays, the Apologie de
Raimond de Sebonde and the Essay On Vanity (iii. 9). Her con-

' Bordeaux, 1870-1873.
^ 7 vols., 1872-1875.

ri ^T ^°'^- (The MacmiUan Company). Miss Norton has also pubUshed
The early wnhngs of Montaigne and other studies (1904)

STROWSKI 285

elusions — the division of the former essay into two parts,
written at different times, and that of the latter into two
originally distinct essays which Montaigne amused himself by
blending into one — have been very considerably modified by
M. Villeyi, but she was on the right path. In 1905 appeared,
also in America, the Michel de Montaigne of Edward Dowden ^,
charmingly written and thoroughly S5mipathetic, in which he
desiderates an edition of the Essays which should adequately
present the successive states of the text*.

He had his wish in the following year when the first volume
was published of what has become known as the Edition
Municipale, which not only gives an accurate reproduction
of the Bordeaux copy of the Essays with all Montaigne's
manuscript additions and corrections, but enables the reader
easily to separate the successive texts of 1580 and 1588 from
the text as finally corrected by Montaigne. The second volume
appeared in 1909, the third in 1919, and the fourth in 1920.
The editor, M. Fortimat Strowski, who in 1906 was a
professor at the University of Bordeaux, took advantage
of his unique opportunities to publish later in the same year
what "he believed to be the first application of the historical
and genetic method to Montaigne's book*." It led him to
distinguish various stages in the development of Mon-
taigne's thought — Stoicism from 1572 to 1574, Scepticism,
after a brief intermediary period, from about 1574 to 1578,
a return to a more positive phase as exhibited in the
essay On the Education of Children (1578-1580), a period of
travel and public life (1580-1585), a phase of practical and
meUow wisdom (the result of intercourse with his fellow-men),
embodied in the Third Book of the Essays and in the ad-
ditions to the First and Second Books (1585-1588), and finally

1 See Rev. d'hist. litt. 1905, pp. 520-522.

2 Philadelphia, 1905 (French Men of Letters). The most important
chapter is that entitled "The Spirit of the Essays." The ample bibliography,
almost entirely composed of books in the author's own Ubrary, testifies to
his Ufe-long interest in Montaigne.

» In 1906 appeared a slight but suggestive essay by R. Warwick Bond;
it takes no note of Montaigne's development.

* Les grands Philosophes — Montaigne, 1906. " Le conseil m'en a 6t§ donn6,
U y a bien des jours, par mon maitre M. Brunetifere; il a 6t6 r6p6t6 par
M. Lanson."

286 Montaigne's interpreters

dilettantism, which finds expression in the manuscript ad-
ditions made after 1588.

In pointing out that Montaigne's Stoicism and Scepticism
were passing phases M. Strowski has done an inestimable
service. But he is too rigid in his demarcation of these phases.
They did not come to an end without leaving a considerable
impression upon Montaigne's mind. If he no longer sat at the
feet of his Stoic masters, their precepts could still at times
fire his imagination. If the acute Scepticism of the year 1576,
when he struck his Pyrrhonist medal, became greatly miti-
gated, it left his critical faculty permanently sharpened and
invigorated, and his belief in the relativity of knowledge and
morals in a large measure unimpaired. As for the charge of
dilettantism, which M. Strowski rightly distinguishes from
philosophic Scepticism, he points out that dilettantism has
two main characteristics, an ardent curiosity and a desire to
live in the imagination as many different Uves as possible, and
that both of these are present in Montaigne's latest additions
to his book. Coming from a man whose attention had been
specially directed to these additions by printing them in
itahc type, M. Strowski's opinion is not to be lightly rejected;
but when he finds a complete resemblance between Montaigne
and Renan as regards these characteristics, one wonders
whether, if the word dilettantism had not been specially
apphed to Kenan's mental attitude after the Franco-German
war, we should have heard of it in connexion with Montaigne.
The reason for this new development M. Strowski finds
chiefly in the approach of old age, but partly in the dis-
couragement and disillusion produced by the events of the
last four years of Montaigne's life — the assassination of Guise,
the murder of Henry III, the fanaticism of the Leaguers and
the more stubborn Huguenots. But though he holds that
Montaigne's writing during this period was "saturated with
dilettantism," he does not believe that it affected him more
than superficially, or that his life suffered any loss of dignity
or self-control. M. Strowski quotes in support of this view
Florimond de Raemond, Montaigne's successor in the Parle-
ment of Bordeaux. "France," he says, writing in 1594, "has

VILLEY 287

recently suffered from the eclipse of that brilUant and in-
comparable hght of learning, eloquence, and capacity for
pubhc affairs," and then he goes on to speak of his "courageous
and almost stoical philosophy, his marvellous resolution in
the face of every kind of suffering and trouble."... "This rare
personage seems by his death to have left virtue an
orphan."

But whatever there is that is too rigid and systematic in
M. Strowski's interpretation of the least rigid and systematic
of philosophers can be easily corrected by a careful study of
the two substantial voltunes which M. Pierre Villey pub-
hshed in 1908 under the title of Les Sources et V Evolution des
Essais de Montaigne. They are the fruit of six years' research,
carried on for at least half that time without the knowledge
of his fellow-worker. The first volume is devoted to an ex-
haustive investigation of the sources and chronology of the
Essays, or, in other words, to the three questions, (i) what
books Montaigne read, (2) when he read them, and (3) when
he wrote each essay. For the essays of the First and
Second Books were not printed in the order in which they
were written, and they contain very few direct indications of
date. The dates of the great majority can only be determined
by Montaigne's references to books. An investigation of this
sort depends for its success on the manner in which it is con-
ducted, and it may be said without hesitation that M. Villey's
method is thoroughly sound, and that he is careful to dis-
tinguish between fact and h5^othesis.

In his second volume M. Villey deals with "the evolution
of the Essays," or, in other words, with the development of
Montaigne's art and thought. He traces the form of the
Essays from the first modest attempts after the pattern of
the popular compilations of Lectiones or Legons through the
type represented by essays 40 (originally 14), 19, 20, 22, 23.
42 of Book I, which, though more fully developed and far
more interesting than the first attempts, still contains httle
of Montaigne except his imagination, through the still further
developed type, of which we have examples in 11. 2-6, to the
essay On the Education of Children (i. 25) and essays 7-1 1 and

288 MONTAIGNE'S INTERPRETERS

16-37 of Book II, all of which belong to the years 1578-1580,
when Montaigne had become complete master of his instru-
ment.

Montaigne's thought developed pari passu with the form
of his Essays, and in his second volume M. Villey traces its
evolution with remarkable insight. There is first the Stoical
phase Tuider the influence of La Boetie and Seneca, a phase
which had nothing original in it and nothing Christian. From
this Montaigne, gradually and without any violent rupture,
emancipated himself under the influence of Plutarch, whose
Lives and Moral Works he read in Amyot's translation.
Plutarch, too, had an appreciable and important effect upon
his whole mentality, widening and deepening his estimate of
human nature, awakening his dormant critical faculty, and
calling forth his latent originaUty. Then came the Sceptical
phase, foreshadowed in essays i. 31 and 47, On the Un-
certainty of our Judgment, both of which belong to 1572, but
not reaching the acute stage till the year 1576, when he struck
his Pyrrhonist medal, and when, as M. ViUey conjectures, he
wrote the last and most important part, with its numerous
borrowings from Sextus Empiricus, of the Apologie de Rai-
mond de Sebonde.

"The great novelty of the Apology and its governing
thought," says M. Villey, "is that we have no communica-
tion with Being," i.e. that we have no knowledge of the
absolute, but only of changing phenomena. Thus there emerges
from the long diatribe against human reason the philosophic
doctrine of relativism, the behef in the relativity of know-
ledge and the relativity of morals. When the phase of
acute Scepticism had passed away, Montaigne continued to
hold this belief, though with some modifications, and his
relativism in morals, was, M. Villey suggests, the starting-
point for his self-portraiture. But it was not, as we have seen,
tfll the essay On Presumption (11. 17), written in 1578 or 1579,
that he seriously put forward his design. The other essaj^s of
the First and Second Books (i. 25, 11. 8 emd 10), in which he
gives effect to it, are among the very latest of those Books.
Between the completion of these books and the time when

VILLEY 289

Montaigne again settled down to more or less continuous
writing there was an interval of six years, during which
he garnered much experience of the world and public
affairs. The essays of the Third Book appear to have been
written in the order in which they are printed, and roughly
speaking it may be said that essays 1-9 belong to the year
1586 and 10-13, together with the additions to the earher
books, to the year 1587. It is to these essays, the richest and
most original of all, that we must look for the final expression
— ^so far as the word final can be apphed to so Protean a
mind — of Montaigne's opinions. Thus in the first essay. On
Expediency and Honesty, he expounds his pohtical principles,
and in the second. On Repentance, his views on morality;
essay 11, On the Lame, is a warning against dogmatism and
creduhty; while the last. On Experience, is a sort of general
profession of his whole philosophy of life.

M. Villey points out that in the Third Book Montaigne's
self-portraiture has assumed a different character. He is no
longer drawing a portrait for his friends, but, beheving that
"Chaque homme porte la forme entiere de I'humaine con-
dition," he regards it as a contribution to the general study
of man, and the fact that he was (as he modestly thought) an
ordinary individual made it all the more valuable.

M. Villey does not agree with M. Strowski in thinking that
the additions which he made to the Essays after 1588, with
their often indiscreet frankness and their excessive licence
of expression, are a sign of dilettantism. It is certainly
against M. Strowski's view that during these final years of his
life Montaigne read more assiduously and more methodically
than before, and that his reading included such solid authors
and works as Plato, Aristotle's Ethics, Diogenes Laertius,
Xenophon's Anabasis, Herodotus, Livy, Quintilian, Cicero's
philosophical treatises, his old friend Seneca, and St Augus-
tine^.

That Montaigne was a dilettante in its ordinary sense of an

' M. Villey has counted no less than 270 citations from Cicero, over a
hundred from Seneca, Diogenes Laertius, and Plato, sixty-six from Livy,
fifty from Herodotus, and forty from St Augustine.

T.s.F. R. 19

290 MONTAIGNE S INTERPRETERS

amateur, that he was not a professional either in philosophy,
or in morals, or in education, is a truth sometimes forgotten
by over-censorious critics. But he was not a dilettante in
M. Strowski's sense, that is to say, the sense in which the
term was applied to Renan after the Franco-German war, to
denote one who, as a diversion from disillusion and ennui,
amuses himself with moral and philosophical speculations in
which he does not really beUeve. This is not the character of
Montaigne's latest additions. They show rather, notes M.
Villey, an increased predilection for citation, for stories, and
for personal details and confidences, which are often trivial
and indiscreet. They are characteristic of a man whom age
has made garrulous, and whom Hterary success has made
secure of his pubUc and indifferent to criticism. Yet the
graver side is not wanting. Many of the new meditations have
an eminently serious character, and this is to be found even
in several of the new stories.

M. Villey rightly points out that the additions have one
inconvenience; they often injure the form and obscure the
sense of the essays. Ruel would be hard put to it to justify
some of them on artistic grounds. Yet along with this dis-
regard for the form of his essays Montaigne shows an in-
creasing pre-occupation with his style. One word is replaced
by another; sentences are reinforced or scratched out or
altogether re-written. The majority of these changes are
made in the interest of his thought, but often it is a pure
question of style. Repetitions and negligences are pruned
away or corrected; grammar and punctuation are carefully
attended to, and there are minute typographical directions to
the printer^ "Je suis moins faiseur de Uvres que de nulle
autre besogne," he had said in the address to Mme de Duras
which forms the envoi of the first edition of the Essays, and
now at the close of his Ufe we find him sparing no pains to
make his book as perfect as possible.

From the clash of these diverse interpretations, and from the

1 M. Villey has counted more than three thousand small corrections of
details in the manuscript additions. See ii. 535-545, for the general question
of Montaigne's pre-occupation with matters of style.

POINTS OF AGREEMENT 291

renewed and more penetrating examination of Montaigne's
own testimony which they invite, certain points of agreement
seem to emerge. In the first place it is all-important to bear
in mind that Montaigne's opinions were in a continual state of
flux and development, and that in the First and Second Books
of the Essays as many as three different strata of thought are
represented. Secondly, we must remember not only that
Montaigne was not a professional philosopher, but that he
was constitutionally averse to anything that savoured of sys-
tem or dogmatism. His one aim was to record his impressions
as they occurred to him, without any thought of consistency
or finality. And his record was made in good faith. Sainte-
Beuve is almost alone in accusing him of perfidy. The rest of
his interpreters, whatever their attitude in other respects to
his character or opinions, are unanimous in recognising his
honesty and candour. But the opposite mistake must not be
made of taking everything that he says exactly according to
the letter. He was a Gascon, he was a man of humour and
rich imagination, and he loved to give rein to the fancies of
his active brain.

Myself, who, make it a point of conscience to lie and who care
not greatly to give credit or authority to what I say, perceive never-
theless that in the discourses I have in hand, when I am heated either
by another's opposition or by the warmth of my narration, I swell and
ampUfy my subject by voice, gesture, vigour and force of words, and
even by extension and amplification, not without prejudice to the
simple truth.

And a Uttle further on he added in the margin, "An un-
affected and hvely speech, as mine ordinarily is, is easily be-
trayed into hyperbola^."

From the first moment when Montaigne begins to write his
essays his interest in human nature appears. His earliest ex-
periments are nearly all anecdotes in illustration of some moral
trait. Thus in his amateur fashion he became a moralist and a
psychologist. To draw his own portrait was certainly not part
of his original design, but being interested in himself rather
beyond the ordinary it occurred to him that here he had a
subject upon which he was really competent to speak. Then
' III. It, On the Lame.

19 — 2

292 MONTAIGNE S INTERPRETERS

in the interval between the first publication of his Essays and
that of the enlarged edition with the addition of the Third
Book he realised that self-portraiture might be made some-
thing more than the mere amusement of a man who liked to
communicate himself to his friends, that every man, however
obscure and humble, had in him the impress of the human
race, and that to draw a faithful portrait of yourself was a
valuable contribution to the study of man in general.

This highly important side of Montaigne's book was largely
ignored in the seventeenth century. On the other hand,
friends and foes alike greatly exaggerated its scepticism. The
excessive scepticism of the Apology for Raimond de Sebonde
was in part due to its writer's love of paradox; in part it was
a passing phase, which did not preclude a good many positive
beliefs, especially in certain moral virtues. But it left Mon-
taigne with a very modest opinion of human reason. " Un
instrument libre et vague" he terms it in the essay 0« the
Lame, the whole trend of which is to caution us against
creduhty and dogmatism. And in dogmatism he includes
religious dogmatism. ' ' After aU, it is putting a very high price
on one's conjectures to roast a man ahve for them."

This brings us to the question of Montaigne's Christianity.
That the Christian religion had no influence on his ethical
conduct, that it taught him neither how to live nor how to
die, all his interpreters are agreed. But it is an open question
how far he accepted it as a matter of faith. Did he merely
conform to the outward observances of religion from habit and
for the sake of appearances? Or did he, holding that know-
ledge of the Absolute is unattainable to human reason, render
unquestioning obedience to the teaching of the Catholic
Church? His actions no less than his utterances make it
impossible to reconcile the former ciltemative with the
honesty which nearly all recognise in him. On the other hand,
the plain construction of more than ope passage in the Essays^
points to the latter alternative, and if it seems inconsistent
with Montaigne's ethical attitude, and especially with the
essay On Repentance, we must bear in mind that in Montaigne's
' See above, pp. 279-280.

A FURTHER FIELD OF INQUIRY 293

day the divorce between religion and morality was almost
complete. It was one thing to accept Christianity as a creed;
it was another to take it as a guide to moral conduct.

So far, with certain notable exceptions, there is a fairly
general consensus of opinion among Montaigne's interpreters.
At any rate it is ground which has been thoroughly explored.
But there remains a further field of inquiry. Montaigne, it is
now generally recognised, was not an out and out sceptic; in
spite of his Que sais-je? he held and expressed some very
definite opinions, in particular on education. What were these
opinions? What was his message to those who came after him?
M. Villey has made a highly important contribution to the
subject by pointing out that relativity is the governing idea
of the last part of the Apology for Raimond de Sebonde. But
this essay was written twelve years before the publication of
the 1588 edition of the Essays and sixteen years before Mon-
taigne's death, and Montaigne was not the man to hold fast
without change or modification to any one idea. Certainly his
views as to the relativity of morals imderwent considerable
change, and it is in morals and conduct, or in other words, in
the art of life, that Montaigne was most interested. Indi-
viduahsm — Nature — Conscience — what parts did these play
in Montaigne's mature philosophy of life? Here is a rich sub-
ject upon which we may look for further light from his future
interpreters. They will find an admirable point of departure
in the thoughtful pages of M. Villey and also in some sugges-
tive notes which M. Lanson has printed in La Civilisation
frangaise^.

^ L'Iddal franQois dans la LitUyature de la Renaissance d, la Revolution,
tv"" lefon, Montaigne (La Civilisation franfaise for July-August 1919).

SOME PAMPHLETS OF THE FRENCH WARS
OF RELIGION

The period of the French wars of rehgion was emphatically
an age of pamphlets. From the Tigre of Frangois Hotman,
that remarkable pamphlet which was pubhshed in the year of
the Tumult of Amboise, to the Satire Menippee, that still more
remarkable pamphlet which heralded the entry of Henry IV
into Paris, they were produced in long succession. At first,
indeed, the production was somewhat sparse, but the massacre
of St Bartholomew gave it additional impetus, and, if it
slackened somewhat during the earUer years of Henry III,
towards the close of his reign it became enormous. The revival
of the League, the question of the succession, the murder of
the Guises, and finally the murder of the King himself, were
each an occasion for a fresh fusillade. After his death the firing
became less furious, but it was more effective ; a share in the
final victory of Henry IV was rightly attributed by a con-
temporary historian to the plumes Men taillees of the pam-
phleteers of his partyi-

Some of the pamphlets were, originally at least, written in
Latin. DeaUng for the most part with questions of constitu-
tional law or pohtical philosophy, they appealed from the
passions of contending Frenchmen to the judgment of edu-
cated Europe. But, though they rise above the dust of party
warfare to the clear atmosphere of philosophy, and though
they wear an air of candid inquiry, they are none the less
inspired by contemporary events; the fighting man's harness
peeps out under the philosopher's cloak, and in the heat of the

1 The fullest bibliographical lists of the pamphlets will be found in
Lelong, Bibliothique historique, u. 233-354, nos. 17,757-19,557, and in the sale
catalogue of the Coste library (Lyons, 1854), nos. 1575-2066. A great many
are noticed by G. Weill, Les tMories sur le pouvoir royal en France pendant
les guerres de religion, 1892.

THE HOUSE OF GUISE 295

scuffle the combatants often interchange weapons. Of the
two most important of these learned pamphlets, the Franco-
Gallia and the Vindiciae contra tyrannos, an admirable account
has been given by Mr Armstrong^. My own interest lies more
with those written in the vernacular, and especially with those
that have any Hterary merit. The Tigre and the Satire Menip-
pee, the Livre des Marchands of Regnier de la Planche, the
two Discours of Michel Hurault, the Anti-Espagnol of Antoine
Amauld, are aU more or less remarkable specimens of French
prose, which the student of literature must take into account.
But they have an historical interest as well, and in saying
something about these as well as about some others less
remarkable for literary merit, I hope I may be of some service
to the historical student. I shall concern myself more especi-
ally with bibhographicaJ questions, though I cannot claim to
have solved them all. But it is, at any rate, of importance to
the historian to know when a pamphlet was first published.

From 1560 to 1565 the favourite mark of the pamphleteers
was the house of Guise. Already in the reign of Henry II the
Guises had disputed with their rival, the Constable de Mont-
morency, the first place in the royal council chamber; the
accession of Francis II, the sickly husband of their niece,
Mary Stewart, brought the whole power of the crown into
their hands. The conspiracy of La Renaudie, which came to
an untimely birth in the so-called Tumult of Amboise, was
engendered rather by the discontent of the nobles at the
power of the Lorrainers than by zeal for the reformed religion.
The feeling of the malcontents found expression in an often-
quoted quatrain:

Le feu roi^ divina ce point,
Que ceux de la maison de Guise
Mettraient ses enfants en pourpoint,
Et son pauvre peuple en chemise.

1 The English Historical Review, iv. 1889, 13 ff. See also Weill, op. cit.
pp. 98 ff . ; A. Elkan, Die Publizistik der Bartholomausnacht, Heidelberg,
1905; K. Glaser, Beitrage zur Geschichte der politischen Literatur Frankreichs
in der zweiten Hdlfte des 16 Jahrhunderts in Zeitschr. fiir franz. Sprache und
Litteratur, xxxix. 240 ff.

2 Francis I.

296 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

It was more especially against the Cardinal of Lorraine, the
guiding mind of the Guise family, that the wrath of their
opponents was directed. It overflowed at boiling point in
a tiny pamphlet, containing ten smaU pages of text, which
appeared in 1560, the year of the Ttimult, under the title of
Epistre envoiee au Tigre de la France''-- It was naturally anony-
mous, but we know from tolerably conclusive evidence that
it was written by the well-known jurist and pubHcist, Francois
Hotman, the author of the Franco-Gallia. Modelled on
Cicero's Catiline orations, it reads hke a succession of pistol-
shots fired point-blank at the cardinal. Rarely had the French
language been used with such nervous and concise energy.
But, as a fuU account of the pamphlet will be found in Baird's
History of the Huguenots^, I need say no more about it
here.

The next pamphlet that I shall notice belongs to the year
1565. The first civil war had, after a year's duration, been
terminated by the Edict of Amboise in March 1563. In
December the council of Trent had concluded its labours ; the
Counter-Reformation had begun. In January 1564 the car-
dinal of Lorraine returned to France and tried in vain to pro-
cure the recognition of the council's decrees in that country.
In the following March Catherine de' Medici and Charles IX
began that "progress" through France which was to cul-
minate in the celebrated interview at Bayonne with the Queen
of Spain and the Duke of Alva (June 1565). Meanwhile the
Huguenots were complaining that the Edict of Amboise was
not being observed. It must have been a little before the inter-
view at Bayonne that the new pamphlet appeared*. The title-
page contains nothing but the date — 1565 — and the title Du
grand et loyal devoir, fidelite et obeissance de messieurs de Paris
envers le Roy et Couronne de France, addressee d, etc. Here
follow the names of the Provost of the Merchants and the four

1 Edited by C. Read for the Acad6mie des Bibliophiles (1875) from the
copy then supposed to be unique, which escaped the destruction of the
H6tel de Ville library by the Commune. Since then a copy was sold in the
Sunderland sale (no. 4918) for £42.

^ 2 vols., 1880, I. 445 fi. ; see also K. Glaser, op. cit. in Zeitschr. fur franz.
Spr. und Lit. xxxii (1907), pp. 250 ff.

' The printing had been finished for three months, says the publisher.

LE LIVRE DES MARCHANDS 297

sheriffs of Paxis^. The pamphlet was commonly known as Le
Livre des Marchands, and its author was undoubtedly Louis
Regular de La Planche, the son of a magistrate of Poitiers,
who was attached to the household of the Constable of Mont-
morency 2. He was a Protestant, but, as he says of himself in
his admirable Histoire de I'Estat de France sous Frangois II,
he was homme politique plutost que religieux^, and in this
pamphlet he wears the mask of a moderate Cathohc. Its
occasion was the entry of the cardinal of Lorraine into Paris
on January 8, 1565, when, contrary to the royal prohibition,
he was attended by an armed, escort. Accordingly, Frangois
de Montmorency, the Constable's son, in his capacity of
governor of the He de France, having in vain warned him,
while still on the road, that he would not permit such an
infringement of the king's orders, dispersed the escort by force
as soon as it had entered the gate of Saint-Denis, and forced
the cardinal and his friends to take refuge in some neighbour-
ing houses. The pamphlet opens with a description of this
event, of which the writer represents himself as an eye-
witness. He then describes how he engaged in conversation
with several shopkeepers on the state of public affairs and in
particular on the merits of the house of Guise. A representa-
tive of each trade is brought forward in turn, and made to
express his opinion, the author professing merely to record
these opinions without adding anything of his own. With
great skill the Guises are represented in the light most calcu-
lated to make them unpopular with the Paris bourgeoisie.
Their foreign descent, their greed of power and office, their
offences against the clergy, the nobles, and the Tiers £tat,
are all dwelt on in turn ; while generally their selfish and anti-
national poHcy is contrasted with the patriotism of the house
of Montmorency. But the pamphlet is not merely an attack
on the Guises; it is an appeal in favour of moderation and

" I possess a copy. It will be found in the PantMon Littiraire under
Chroniques et Mimoires, and in the edition of the Histoire de I'Estat de
France, published by Techener in 1836.

^ Riveille-matin, dialogue i, p. 104.

3 I cannot agree with Baird's reasons {History of the Huguenots, I. 410,
note) for doubting the authorship of La Planche.

298 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

tolerance, of that policy which Michel de L' Hospital, now
chancellor, was in vain endeavouring to carry out. Speaking
by the mouth of a CathoUc draper (pp. 27 ff.), La Planche,
while regretting the errors of the Protestants, extols them as
honest men and good citizens; and he likens the ultra-Catho-
lics to a man who would scuttle a ship because he had a quarrel
with someone on board.

The style of the pamphlet is strongly latinised as regards
the syntax and the order of the words, but it is distinguished
by admirable management of both clause and sentence, at
that date a rare quality in French prose, and by a hvely and
vigorous use of metaphor. These quaMties enable one to assign
with confidence to the same writer a later attack on the
cardinal, entitled La Legende de Charles, cardinal de Lorraine^,
which appeared in 1576, two years after the cardinal's death.
It was intended to be in three books, but only the first book,
which deals with events down to the year 1570, ever appeared.
On the other hand, the Response d I'espistre de Charles de
Lorraine, etc., pubhshed in 1565, which is generally attributed
to Regnier de la Planche, though, as far as I know, on no
satisfactory evidence, is, judging by the style, certainly not
by him.

From 1572 to 1576 the pamphlets are aU more or less in-
spired by the massacre. Even a grave philosophical treatise
like the Vindiciae contra tyrannos is a cry for vengeance against
the tyrant; and the tyrant is Catherine de' Medici: it is she,
and not the house of Guise, who is now the main object of
attack. The Discours merveilleux is the pendant to the Legende
du cardinal de Lorraine.

The first of these pamphlets that calls for notice is the well-
known Reveille-matin, which was published early in the year

^ La Ligende de Charles, cardinal de Lorraine, et de ses jrires de la maison
de Guise, descrite en trois livres, par Fran9ois de I'lsle. A Reims, de I'im-
primerie de Jacques Martin, 1576. A second edition was published in 1579
(Reims: Pierre Martin). The place of publication and the publisher's name
are doubtless spurious in both cases, for Reims was devoted to the Guises.
The pamphlet will also be found in the Mimoires de Condi, vi. M. Hauser
in Les Sources de I' hist, de France, XVI' siicle, in. 82, thinks the attribution
to La Planche improbable ; he notes the writer's use of his recognised works.

LE R£VEILLE-MATIN 299

^573 in both Latin and French, the French version being
issued at Basle and entitled Dialogue auquel sont traitees
plusieurs choses avenues aux Lutheriens et huguenots de la
France^. It was repubhshed in both languages at the begin-
ning of 1574, with the addition of a second part. The French
version now received the title of Le Reveille-matin des Fran-
gois^, and was dedicated to the queen of England in a letter
dated November 20, 1573. This is followed, in both versions,
first by another dedicatory letter addressed to the estates and
princes of Poland, and secondly by a letter purporting to be
written to the duke of Guise by a follower of the house of
Lorraine, and sent to him with a copy of the pamphlet* The
duke is assured that his accession to the throne would find
favour with a large majority of the nation, including the
Huguenots, and he is urged to come forward at once as the
liberator of his coimtry. A similar expression of the Huguenot
views occurs in the body of the work*.

The Reveille-matin has been attributed to at least three
authors, but two of these attributions may be dismissed at
once ; that to Beza, as resting only on the unsupported state-
ment of Adrien Baillet, who was bom between seventy and
eighty years after its publication; that to Hugues Doneau, the
well-known jurist, as based on the sole authority of Cujas, who
was his bitter opponent. The claims of Nicolas Bamaud, a
gentleman of Crest in Dauphine, are more deserving of con-
sideration. They depend on the statement of J. J. Frisius, a
native of Ziirich, who, in his edition of the BiUiotheca of
Conrad Gesner, published at Ziirich in 1583, says that Bamaud
was reputed to be the author, and that seven or eight years

' Cat. Coste, 1684. The printing was finished on the twelfth day of the
sixth month d'apris la journie de la irahison, i.e. on February 12, 1573.

' Le R^eille-matin des Frangois et de leurs voisins. Composi par Eusibe
Philadelphe cosmopolite, en forme de Dialogues, a Edimbourg, de Timprimerie
de Jacques James, 1574*- (The asterisk indicates that I have a copy.) The
real place of printing is evidently either Basle or Geneva or Lausanne. The
Latin version, though it bears the same fictitious names of printer and place
of printing, is from a different press.

' Theletteris dated from Reims ; in the Latin version the date is January i,
1574, in the French version December 10, 1573.

* pp. 104-105. The whole passage is quoted by Mr Armstrong in the
English Historical Review, TV. 26.

300 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

previously one M. de Lafin had given him a tremendous box
on the ear for it in a street of Basle without his making any
resistance^. But, supposing this story to be true, it hardly
proves that Bamaud was the author of the Reveille-matin;
and probably Lenient is right in his conjecture that, like the
Satire Menippee, it is the work of several hands ^. There is
certainly considerable difference in the style of the different
speakers, which, judging from other pamphlets of this time,
is not to be accounted for by an attempt at dramatisation.
As regards the subject-matter of the pamphlet, it is too well-
known to require any reference to it here. I will only point
out that the tone of the second part, though more calm and
serious, is much more repubhcan and revolutionary than that
of the first part, and that one of the questions discussed by the
two speakers — the historian and the pohtician — ^is whether
it is lawful to resist an unjust magistrate. This question
forms the third and most important of the four quaestiones of
the Vindiciae contra tyrannos, and was at this time the chief
topic of discussion among the political writers on the Pro-
testant side. It forms the staple subject of Beza's tract Du
Droit des magistrats sur leurs subjects^ and of Le Politique du
temps, both pubhshed in 1574, while similar in character is
La France-Turquie, pubhshed in 1575*. Mr Armstrong has
called attention to the close coimexion that exists between
the whole of this group of pamphlets, and there is a good deal
of plausibiUty in his suggestion that they were the work of
"a kind of syndicate." It is also worth noticing that for the

1 p. 833 ; the passage is correctly cited by P. Marchand in his Dictionnaire
Historique (1758), i. 86 (F), and is referred to by Placcius, Theatrum
Anonymorum, 11. 497. The same story is told in B. G. Struvius's Bibl. Hist.
(ed. Meusel), vii. pt. 11. p. 316. See Haag, 2nd ed., s.v. Bamaud, and Loise-
lenr, Trois inigmes historiques, pp. 11 3-1 16, both of whom have failed to
find the passage in Gesner's Bibliotheca.

" A passage in the Mimoires de Nevers (I. 343) implies that the authorship
was unknown in Court circles in May 1575.

' Beza's authorship is established by A. Cartier, Les idies politiques de
Th. de Bize, Bull. Soc, de I'hist. et arch., Geneva, vol. 11. bk. iv. 1900. See
for the tract itself Weill, op. cit. pp. 88-90.

* With another pamphlet entitled Lunettes de cristal de roche ; but there
must have been an earlier edition, for it was written in answer to a pamphlet
supposed to be written by the Chevalier Poncet. the Lunettes de cristal being
a rejoinder to his reply. See D'Aubign6, Hist. Univ. ed. A. de Ruble, iv. 191.

LE DI SCOURS MERVEILLEUX 301

most part they were published both in Latin and in French,
the Latin version in several cases being the original one.

Among the borrowings of the Reveille-matin (second part)
is a long extract from the famous Discours de la Servitude
voluntaire or Contr'un of La Boetie, which, though it was
written as far back as 1548, was printed for the first time in
entirety in Goidart's Memoires de I'estat sous Charles IX
(1576) . Remarkable for its literary merit and promise of future
excellence, it is to be regarded rather as a schoolboy declama-
tion than as a serious contribution to poUtical thought. The fact,
however, that it was first published at this time is significant.

Another noteworthy pamphlet, which appeared in 1574, is
the Discours merveilleux de la vie et actions et deportemens de
Catherine de M edicts^, or the Vie Sainte Catherine, as it was
often called by contemporaries^. It has been attributed to
Henri Estienne and to Jean de Serres. The authorship of
Henri Estienne has been clearly disproved by Mark Pattison^.
It is equally impossible that it could have been written by
Jean de Serres, who aspired to be a grave and impartial his-
torian and who advocated a pohcy of conciHation. Moreover,
he would hardly have made a mistake in the age of Charles IX.
Though the writer, whoever he is, poses as a Catholic, we
may accept the statements of Pierre de I'Estoile and Louis
Dorleans (in the Catholique anglois) that he was a Huguenot.
He is not unfriendly to the house of Guise, but Catherine is
painted in the blackest colours ; her policy is represented as
having for its sole object the concentration of the government
in her own hands; personal charges of the gravest character,
especially of poisoning, are brought against her. It is here that
the story of her having poisoned Jeanne d' Albret first appears.

Another violent attack on Catherine is Le Tocsain contre les

1 This is the title of the earliest known edition, 8vo, pp. 164, 1575 (Bib.
Sund. I. no. 4877). Several other editions as well as a Latin and an English
translation appeared in 1575. In the original edition the title was Deporte-
mens de Cathenne de Medicis. I have an edition of 1576 : Seconde edition plus
coyrecte, mieux disposee que la premiere et augmentee de quelques particularitez.

2 For the date see Registre Journal de P. de L'Estoile, notice et extraits
d'un nouveau manuscrit, ed. H. Omont, 1900, pp. 5, 6. The Cardinal of
Lorraine, who died December 29, 1574, read it.

' Essays, 1. 120 £E.

302 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

massacreurs^, which, though not pubUshed till the summer of
1577, was written soon after the massacre, of which it contains
a full account, differing in some important particulars from
that of the Reveille-matin. For instance, it expressly says that
Charles IX did not fire at the Huguenots — non pas qu'il y
mit les mains — and it gives the number of those killed at Paris
as 2000 instead of 10,000. It differs, too, from most of the
Protestant pamphlets of this period in its respect for con-
stituted authority, and in being printed in France and not at
Basle or Geneva. Nor, so far as I know, is there a Latin
version of it. The Duke of Alen9on, although at the time of
publication he had deserted the Politique and Huguenot cause,
and was in nominal command of the Catholic forces, is treated
with great consideration as the one member of his family
whose hands were not stained with Huguenot blood. It is to
Catherine's door that the sins of her two other surviving sons
are laid. She is charged with having purposely educated them
in vice, and especially with having instructed them in the
precepts of "that atheist MachiaveUi^." Et de fait, on pent
Hen appeller ce livre-lct I'evangile de la Roine mere.

This representation of Catherine, to whose father the
Prince was dedicated, as an ardent student of MachiaveUi,
was a favourite topic with the Protestant writers. It is
therefore noticeable that just about this time, namely in
1576, Gentillet published his Anti-MachiaveP, a book which,
Uke the Franco-Gallia and the Vindiciae contra tyrannos, is
none the less a livre de circonstance, because it is in form a
philosophical treatise. It may be noticed, too, that he dedi-
cated it to Alengon, then the nominal head of the Politique
party. In fact all the pamphlets of this period — 1572 toi576 —
show traces of the rapprochement between the two parties,
which resulted in a regular aUiance being declared between
the Protestants of Languedoc and the Politiques. Moreover,

1 Le Tocsain contre les massacreurs et auteurs des confusions en France...
adressi ll tous les princes Chrestiens. Reims: Jean Martm, 1577*. Here,
again, the place and printer's name are no doubt a blind. It was reprinted
in 1579. Printed in Cimber and Danjou, Archives curieuses, vii. 3-76.

2 f. 33 r°-

' The proper title is Discours stir les moyens de Men gouverner et maintenir
en bonne paix un royaume ou autre principauti, contre N. Machiavel Florentin .

THE LEAGUE AND THE POLITIQUES 303

we find in some of them, notably in the second dialogue of the
Reveille-matin, signs of that tendency to decentralisation,
federalism, and even separatism which the royalist party re-
garded as one of the most dangerous features of Protestantism^.

The death of Alen9on (1584) was, in Ranke's caustic phrase,
of more importance than his life had ever been. It left a
heretic next in succession to the throne, and, just as the
coalition between the Politiques and the Huguenots had led
to the formation of the original League, so this new turn of
the wheel of politics produced a revival of it with a new and
more effective organisation, the heart of which was Paris.
"The League has two main principles," says a pamphlet of
1586, "one, that no religion save that of the Catholic,
Apostolic, and Roman Church shall have a place in this king-
dom ; the other, that no one shall be admitted to the throne
unless he is a CathoUc." The anon5nnous pamphlet in which
these words occur, the Apologie des catholiques unis^, was
written by Louis Dorleans, a Paris lawyer, who became the
chief pamphleteer of the League, and was certainly their best
writer. This first production of his controversial pen, which
only numbers 32 pages, has at any rate two merits which the
later ones lack — ^moderation in tone and concision in state-
ment. He was not, however, the first in the field. Aheady in
1585 Pierre Du Belloy, a native of Montauban and advocate-
general of the parhament of Toulouse, had published the well-
known Apologie Catholique^. Like the rest of his writings it is

1 See Weill, op. cit. p. 96, and the whole of the excellent chapter (vi) on
the Protestants and the Politiques.

^ Apologie ou defence des Catholiques unis les uns avec les autres, contre les
impostures des Catholiques associez di ceux de la pretendue Religion, 1586*.

' Apologie Catholique contre les libelles, declarations, advis et consultations
faictes, escrites et publiees par les Liguez perturbateurs du repos du Royaume
de France : qui se sont eslevez despuis le decez du feu Monseigneur, frere unique
du Roy, par E. D. L. I. C, 1585*. The initials have been interpreted as
standing for Edmond de I'Alouette Jurisconsulte, but there can be no doubt
that the real author was P. Du Belloy, to whom it is ascribed by P. de
Moraay {MSmoires, 1. 657); De Thou (lxxxii. 5), and P. Cayet, Nov. 1.
f. 20 v", though the latter does not actually mention Du Belloy's name.
Several reprints of the work appeared during 1585 and 1586, as well as a
Latin version. Indeed, Bayle, whose account of P. Du Belloy is full and
good, says that he had seen two Latin versions.

304 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

distinguished by good arrangement, considerable learning,
and a vigorous and lively style, and it deserves the careful
attention of those who are interested in the history of pohtical
theory. The second part, which deals with the heresy attri-
buted to Henry of Navarre by the League, is the more in-
structive. After stating in no ambiguous terms the divine
right of kings, Du Belloy argues at some length that even
supposing Henry were a heretic he could not be excluded
from the throne. "But," he continues, "he is not a heretic,
for the Council of Trent, which claims to have defined the
teaching of the Cathohc Church, is devoid of aU authority."
Coming from a Catholic this bold statement of the GaUican
point of view is noteworthy.

In September of the same year the Pope, Sixtus V, gave
expression to the ultramontane point of view by excommuni-
cating both Henry of Navarre and the prince of Conde. This
act called forth a pamphlet entitled Moyens d'abus, entrepHses
et nullitez du rescrit et bulle de Pape Sixte V'^, in which the
absolutist claims of the papacy are subjected to a searching
attack. It is attributed to Du Belloy, and its character and
style point to the attribution being correct.

The Apologia of Louis Dorleans was written more or less in
answer to Du Belloy's two pamphlets, to which he alludes
several times without, however, directly mentioning them.
In the same year 1586 he pubhshed another pamphlet en-
titled Advertissement des Catholiques anglois aux Frangois
catholiques but commonly called Le Catholique anglois^. It is
written in a clear and good style, though with an occasional
abuse of declamation and the rhetorical artifice of interro-
gation, but the tone of the writer may be gauged from the

1 The rest of the title is too long to reproduce here, but is noteworthy in that
it is said to be pay un Catholique, Apostolique, Romain : mats bon Franfois,
et tresfidele sub jet de la Couronne de France. There are two editions, both of
1586, one with Cologne as the place of printing (probably fictitious)*, and
the other with Embrun. According to M. Hauser it was printed at La
Rochelle.

" A dvertissement des Catholiques anglois aux Franfois catholiques du danger
oil ils sont de perdre leur religion, et d' experimenter , comme en Angleterre, la
cruauti des ministres s'ils refoyvent d, la couronne un Roy qui soit Heretique,
1586 (Bibl. Sund. no. 4703) ; 1587. Reprinted with some omissions in Cimber
and Danjou, Archives curieuses, xi. iii fif.

THE LEAGUE AND THE POLITIQUES 305

fact that he speaks of the massacre as a saignee trh-salutaire
and of heretics as being worse than Jews or infidels. The most
important thing to notice is that here for the first time we
find the theories of the Protestant writers being turned against
them.

En leur Frangoise Gaule, qui est I'un des plus d^testables livres qui
ait veu le jour, et que Ton a coinpos6 pour mettre toute la France en
combustion. Us chantent qu'U est loisible de choisir un Roy a son
appetit. Dites doncques aux h6r6tiques que le Roy de Navarre n'est
a vostre appetit, et partant qu'il se tienne en son B6am jusques h, ce
que le goust vous en soit revenu. Ainsi les faut-il fouetter des verges
qu'Us ont cueUlies.

The pamphlet provoked an answer from Duplessis-Momay
under the title of Lettre d'un gentilhomme catholique frangois
contenant breve Response aux calomnies d'un certain pretendu
Anglois, 1586^, and another entitled Response d un ligueur
masque du nom de catholique anglois, Par un vrai Catholique
bon Frangois, 1587*. To these Dorleans repUed with the Re-
plique pour le catholique anglois contre le catholique associe des
huguenots, 1588.

Two other pamphlets deserving notice belong to the year
1587 ; one of them, entitled De I'authorite du Roy ^, is certainly
by Pierre Du Belloy, for in a later edition, of 1594, it was
pubUshed imder his name. The other, Examen du discours
public contre la maison royalle de France^, may be ascribed to
him with equal certainty. Like the Moyens d'abus, it is said
to heparun Catholique, Apostolique, Romain, etc., while on its
title-page is a curious allegorical woodcut which had already
adorned that of the Apologie Catholique. But the author's
active championship of the royalist cause was now brought
to a sudden close. He had said in the Apologie and he repeats
in the Examen, that the League was due, not to any zeal on

1 Printed, according to Claudin, at La Rochelle or Montauban; according
to E. Kcot (Cat. Rothschild) at La Rochelle. I have an edition of 1587, which
was printed apparently in Belgium. Reprinted in Duplessis-Mornay's
Mimoires, 2 vols., 1624, I. 619-673; Mdmoires de la Ligue, i. 454; Archives
curieuses, xi. 205 ff.

2 De I'authorM du Roy et crimes de leze majesti qui se commettent par ligues,
designation de successeur, et libelles contre la personne et dignitS du prince,

1587.

' The title continues, et particulierement contre la branche de Bourbon,
seule reste d'icelle, sur la hoy Salique, et succession du Royaume, 1587*.

T. s.F.R. 20

306 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

behalf of the CathoUc reHgion, but to the ambition of the
house of Guise^. The Guises recognised him as a formidable
opponent, and Henry III, yielding to their persuasions, un-
gratefully threw him into prison, where he remained for four
years, till he escaped on May i8, 1591 ^

The success of the League was greatly helped by the
character of Henry IIL No king of France was ever more
hated by his subjects. He was by no means altogether bad;
indeed, he had at times fits of well-directed energy; but the
most devout believer in the divine right of kings might be
pardoned for asking himself whether a man who masqueraded
by night as a woman and by day as a barefooted friar, and
who oscillated from the wildest debauchery to the most abject
superstition, could in truth be "the Lord's anointed*." A
more particular cause of his unpopularity was the existence
of his mignons or favourites. Had he chosen to make common
cause with the Politique party and with those of the great
CathoUc nobles who were opposed to the Guise domination,
he might easily have put himself at the head of a central or
King's party which would have been stronger than either the
Protestants or the ultra-Catholics. But the great nobles, in-
dignant at seeing high offices of state, which they regarded as
hereditary in their own families, heaped upon dissolute youths
hke Joyeuse and fipemon, rallied to the Guises, while the
PoUtiques, though too loyal to the principle of hereditary
monarchy to break with the King, were too much ahenated
by his outrages on common sense and decency to be very
active in his cause.

Pamphlets and pasquinades against Henry and his mignons
began to appear quite early in his reign, but the only one of
any importance or interest, so far as I know, is the Isle des
hermaphrodites*, which though not pubhshed till about 1605
evidently relates to this time. It is worth looking into for the
1 II. 10.

' p. de I'Estoile, in mentioning this, says he had been in prison nearly
three years; but see Bayle. Belloy died in i6ii, and L'Estoile regretted him
as a good Frenchman and a good friend {Journal, xi. io8). See, for all these
pamphlets of 1585-1587, Weill, op. cit. pp. 207-215.

» For Henry's character, as drawn by a violent Leaguer, see the Second
avertissement of Dorleans, fo. 44 ff.

THE LEAGUE AND THE POLITIQUES 307

picture it gives of the ridiculous, not to say scandalous,
vagaries of a court which its enemies compared, not unfairly,
to that of Elagabalus. A special attack was directed against
the most hated of the mignons by the one-eyed preacher of
the League, Jean Boucher, whose Histoire tragique et memor-
abledePierre de Gaverston*, pubhshed in July 1588, two months
after the day of the Barricades, veiled under the story of the
rise and fall of the favourite of Edward II a transparent
allusion to £pemon, the favourite of Henry III. It is, how-
ever, neither interesting nor important. As usual, it produced
a reply L'antigaverston, and a counter-reply Replique d I'anti-
gaverston^*, both of the same year.

About the same time was published on the other side, in
answer to Guise's letters to the King of May 17, the Libre
discours sur I'estai present de la France ^. Its author was Michel
Hurault, Sieur Du Fay, a grandson of the Chancellor de
L'Hospital^. He was a Huguenot and secretary to the King
of Navarre. His pamphlet, which is well written, well
reasoned, and temperate in tone, begins with a sketch of the
course of events from 1585; it then reviews with much in-
sight the existing political situation; and concludes with a
sharp attack on Guise. We learn from Palma Cayet that
Guise read it on December 21, while he was in attendance
on the King at Vespers in the chapel of Blois. Forty hours
later he was assassinated* His death caused the League to
break definitely with the King, and Boucher in his De justa
Henrici III abdicatione (1589) proclaimed with arguments
borrowed from the Protestant writers of the preceding period
the divine right of revolution*. Under April 1589 Pierre de
I'Estoile, who made it his business to collect every pamphlet

1 See p. 4 of the Replique for an interesting list of pamphlets, beginning
with the Apologie catholique, which had appeared on the royalist side during
the last three years, and which fipernon is accused of having had printed
at his expense.

^ Printed in the Mdmoires de la Ligue, Hi. 2 flE.

" D'Aubign^, Hist. Univ. viii. 327; Perroniana under Fay.
' * P. Cayet, Chron. nov. i. p. 103 ro (ed. of 1608).

5 Written and partly printed, though not published, before the death of
Henry III. Another edition was published at Lyons in 159 1. For Boucher
and his pamphlets see Glaser, op. cit. in Zeitschr. fiir franz. Spr. und Lit. xiv
(1917-1919), 299 ff.

308 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

and broadside that appeared, tells us that he had collected
over three hundred which were published at this time against
the King, and he gives the names of fifteen^, the first of which,
by Andre de Rossant, a Lyons lawyer and poet^, Les meurs,
humeurs et comportemens de Henry de Valois, 1589, I possess.
It is very violent, ill-arranged, and ill-written. Its concluding
appeal to all good Catholics to unite in deposing the King was
responded to by his assassination, and this called forth a fresh
salvo of pamphlets, in which the monk Jacques Clement was
hailed as the saviour of society.

Pope Sixtus V spoke of the event as a sign that God still
had the kingdom of France in His keeping^. But this seemed
to the more ardent leaguers hardly strong enough for the
occasion. There was accordingly published at Paris what pur-
ported to be a true version of the papal allocution, three
doctors of theology, of whom one was Boucher, certifjdng
that they had compared it with a copy which had been sent
from Rome*. The blasphemous exaggeration of the language
leads one to suppose that the real author of the document
was Boucher himself. It was, however, widely accepted as
genuine*, and provoked two answers which find particular
mention in a well-known passage of D'Aubigne where he
speaks of "those delicate and learned treatises which opened
men's eyes and brought them to the King's service^." One
of these was in Latin and entitled Anti-Sixtus (1590)'. The
other. La Fulminante (1589)*, a coarse and abusive little
pamphlet, far from deserving D' Aubigne's praise, was, accord-

^ J oufnaL Jih.2So; and see D'Aubign§, Hist. Univ. vi. 238.

' Hauser, op. cit. iv. 125. ' ~'

' Ranke, The Popes, 11. 121, and cf. Tempesti, Vita di Sisto V, 11. aai.

• It was reprinted at London in 1678, the year of the popish plot.

' E.g. by De Thou, xcvi. 10. and in modern times by Macaulay and by
Prof. Baird. The Comte de I'fipinois in his La ligue et les papes (p. 347),
which is largely based on the Vatican archives, speaks of it as apocryphal.
It is treated as such in a contemporary pamphlet. Harangue pretenduepar
ceux de la Ligue avoir esti prononcee par N. S. Pere en plein consistoire et
assembUe de Cardinaux le 11 Septembre, 1589 (1589).

• Hist. Univ. viii. 327.

' Ascribed by Brunet to Hurault, but, so far as I know, without authority.

• La Fulminante pour feu tres grand et tres Chreslien Prince Henry III
Roy de France et de Polongne. Centre Sixte V soy disant Pope de Rome et
les rebelles de la France.

LOUIS DORLEANS 309

ing to L'Estoile, the work of Andre Maillard, a master of
requests, who died in 1592, having loved his King, says the
diarist, better than his God^.

The death of Henry III reduced, for a time at least, the
number of parties to two, the party of the League and the
party of Henry IV. At first, indeed, a large body of CathoUc
nobles and gentlemen held aloof from either camp. But the
King's rapid successes during the first three months of his
reign, the victory of Arques, the capture of the southern
faubourgs of Paris, the submission of Maine with the greater
part of Brittany and Normandy, brought them trooping to
his standard. Accordingly, Louis Dorleans sat down to write
a second Warning from the English Catholics, which was pub-
Ushed with a reprint of his former pamphlet at the end of
February 1590 ^ It is even more intemperate in tone than the
first. The writer compares Henry III to Nero, and Henry IV
to Herod, and he dwells on the latter's cruelty to the Catholics
in Navarre, with other instances of his wickedness equally
improbable and devoid of foundation. He attempts to set the
Politique CathoUcs against the Huguenots by pointing out the
hatred which the latter bore them, and the certainty that if
they ever had the chance they would take vengeance for the
massacre of St Bartholomew. The whole pamphlet, in its vio-
lence and narrowness, in its exaltation of sectarian religion
above national feeling, reflects closely the spirit of the more
fanatical portion of the League ; but however strongly it may
have appealed to the preachers and populace of Paris, it can
only have disgusted those, if they ever read it, to whom it
was addressed^.

But while Dorleans was trying to sow dissension in the
enemy's camp, his own party presented anything but a united
front. It was divided into three factions, known respectively
as the Spanish, French, and Lorraine leaguers, who were
agreed in httle else beyond opposition to Henry IV. The

1 Journal, ill. 317; v. 199.

2 Premier et second advertissements des Catholiques Anglois aux Franfois
Catholiques, et A la Noblesse qui suit h present le Roy de Navarre, 1590*.

» D'Aubign6, Hist. Univ. viii. 181.

310 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

Spanish faction, thanks chiefly to the able diplomacy of the
Spanish ambassador Mendoza, seemed at present hkely to
predominate, and it was this danger which called forth at
about the same time as Dorleans's pamphlet one of the most
famous pamphlets of the period, the Anti-Espagnol^.

Its author was Antoine Arnauld, a Paris lawyer (the father
of Arnauld d'Andilly the eldest, and le grand Arnauld, the
youngest of his twenty children), who soon afterwards became
famous by his speech against the Jesuits^. His pamphlet is a
piece of pure declamation, but the declamation is often very
effective, and it is expressed in well-balanced musical periods,
and in language which, though sometimes not in perfect taste,
is always energetic and forcible. It became very popular, and
was often reprinted. Its author had to fly from Paris dis-
guised as a mason.

From the fact that the Anti-Espagnol makes mention of
several reverses suffered by the League towards the close of
1589, but says nothing about the battle of Ivry, it may be
inferred that it was written, at any rate, if not published,
early in 1590. The events of the rest of the year tended strongly

' Copie de V Anti-Espagnol f aid a Paris, 48 pp. 1590 (Bib. Sund. i. 4806);
an English translation of this appeared in the same year, entitled. The
Coppie of the Anti-Spaniard made at Paris by a Frenchman, a Catholique.
Later editions are L' Anti-Espagnol et V exhortation de ceux de Paris qui se
veulent faire Espagnols, 1591*; Anti-Espagnol autrement les philippiques
d'un Demosthenes Franfois touchant les menees et ruses de Philippe Roy
d'Espagne pour envahir la Couronne de France, Ensemble I'lnfideliti, Re-
bellion et Fureur des Ligueurs Parisiens et Jesuisies en faveur de I'Espagnol,
1592* (printed almost certainly at Chartres) ; L' Anti-Espagnol et exhortation
&-C.: d, tous les Franfois de leur party, de se remetire en obeissance du Rov
Henry IV et se delivrer de la tyrannie de Casiille, 1593 (Bibl. Sund. i. no. 5140).
' The express statement of Arnauld d'Andilly in his Memoirs that his
father was the author of the Anti-Espagnol is confirmed not only by a sonnet
which was written for his epitaph, and which contains the following lines

Contre un second Philippe usurpateur des lys

Le second D6mosth6ne anima ses Merits —
but by the internal evidence. The general style of the pamphlet is similar to
that of Amauld's speech against the Jesuits, and we even find the same
metaphors and turns of phrase (see Froment, Essai sur I'histoire de I'ilo-
quence en France avant le XVII' siicle, 1874, pp. 151 ff.). The only reason
for attributing it to Hurault, as is done by Lenient on the authority of
Adrien Baillet, is its appearance in the Quatre excellens discours. M. de
Ruble's note to D'Aubign6, Hist. Univ. viii. 328, in which he says that
there were two pamphlets with the same title, is clearly wrong.

THE TIERS PARTI 311

to confirm the view that the only alternative to Spain was
Henry IV. The battle of Ivry increased immensely the King's
prestige. The siege of Paris taught its inhabitants by the most
cruel of lessons the danger of resisting him ; while its rehef by
the duke of Parma made it more and more clear that it was
only Spain that could enable them to resist him successfully.
Meanwhile the death of the old Cardinal de Bourbon, the King
of the League, in whose election the three factions had con-
curred as a temporary expedient, helped to disintegrate the
party more thoroughly. The more violent of the French
leaguers began to enter into closer relations with Spain, while
the more moderate were prepared to accept Henry IV,
provided he became a Catholic. A movement was also
made in the same direction chiefly in the interests and
at the instigation of the two younger sons of the Prince of
Conde, the Cardinal Charles de Bourbon and the Comte de
Soissons. The appearance of two bulls of Gregory XIV, dated
March i, 1591, in which Henry was again declared excom-
municate, and the clergy, nobles, and third estate of France
were threatened with various penalties unless they renounced
obedience to him, seemed a suitable occasion for starting a
Tiers parti, as they called themselves. They accordingly
issued, by way of manifesto, a paper addressed to the King,
in which they called upon him to .become a Catholic^. It
became known from the place of its printing as the Remon-
strance d' Angers, and immediately provoked various answers,
notably a second Discours by Michel Hurault and the Franco-
phile by Andre Maillard.

The author of the latter^, after regretting the presence of
men plus pares d'hypocrisie que defoi, et plus patenostriers
qu'hermites in the party, proceeds to examine and refute their
arguments in detail. He contends that it would be contrary
to rehgion to advise the King to become a Cathohc; that at

1 p. Cayet, Nov. 11. 458 vo.

2 Le Francophile pour ires-grand, tres-chrestien, tres-magnanime et tres-
beUiqueux Prince, Henry Auguste 4*, Roy de France et de Navarre. Contre
les conspirations du Roy d Espagne, du Pape, et des rebelles de France.
[Chartres], 85 pp. 1591*. The dedicatory epistle to the King is dated
August 6.

312 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

most they should pray for his conversion and urge him to
submit to instruction ; that even if he remained a heretic it
was God's command that they should recognise him as their
King, and that if the Pope commanded the contrary they
must disobey the Pope rather than disobey God^. Here we have
a clear statement from the mouth of a Cathohc of the doctrine
of divine right. It is a direct negation of the two doctrines of
the supremacy of the Pope and the sovereignty of the people,
the compound of which, as prepared by Bellarmin and the
Jesuits, had been found so serviceable by the League as a
weapon against Henry IV ^-

The second Discours^ of Michel Hurault is as temperate and
well-reasoned as the first. It is, however, only the latter part
of it — about a third of the whole — ^which is a direct answer
to the Remonstrance^- The discourse begins with a sketch of
events from the beginning of 1588 to the close of 1590, fol-
lowed by an admirable discussion of the situation as it was in
1591. After examining the condition and prospects of the two
parties, the writer proceeds to sketch Mayenne's character.
Though studiously moderate in tone, he artfully brings out
the two features of it most calculated to excite mistrust in his
followers — his irresolution and his ambition to secure the
crown for himself. A little later on we have the companion
picture of Henry IV, in which with the same seenaing show
of impartiality all the King's most attractive quaUties as a
leader are thrown into high reMef ^-

I do not know of any remarkable pamphlets that belong to
the year 1592, but mention may be made of Philippiques
contre les bulles et autres pratiques de la faction d'Espagne,
Tours, 1592*, with a dedicatory letter to the King, dated
April 10. The author, who signs himself F. D. C, was Francois

1 See his summary of his argument, p. S2; it is quoted by P. Cayet,
Nov. 1. 459 ro.

' Bellarmin's De summo pontefice was published in 1586.

' Suite du discours sur I'estat de la France, 128 pp. 1592, printed in the
same volume with a reprint of the first Discours, pp. 88 — Premier discours
sur I'estat de la France. Suyvi d'un Second, sur le mesme subjet*.

* This part is printed in the Mim. de la Ligue, iv. 659 flf. without the name
of the author being given.

' See Weill, op. cit. pp. 257-259.

POLICY OF MAYENNE 313

de Clary, a member of the Great Council and the King's
Advocate-General, who had published in the previous year
(1591) Remonstrance faide au grand Conseil du Roy sur le
retablissement requis par les officiers qui ont suyvi la Ligue*.
The pamphlet of 1592 consists of two Philippiques, the first
having been published separately earUer in the year, without
place of publication. A third and fourth Philippique followed,
the four being reprinted together at Tours in 1594. They are
in substance an attack on the Pope, Gregory XIV, from the
point of view of a GalHcan and a ParUamentarian^-

During the year 1592 the royalist cause made little progress
in the field, but this was more than compensated for by the
death of Parma, which took place in December. Meanwhile
in Paris events had been working for Henry. The summary
chastisement which Mayenne had inflicted on the leaders of
the Sixteen for their murder of President Brisson had en-
couraged the Politiques to hold up their heads. They held
meetings at the house of their leader, the Sieur Daubray, and
set on foot a rival organisation to that of their opponents.
Mayenne as usual played for his own hand. Though he had
not abandoned his hopes of the crown, he judged it prudent
to negotiate terms of submission with both Henry and the
King of Spain. At last he was forced by the agents of Spain
to summon a meeting of the states for January 17, 1593, and
on January 5 he published a declaration calling upon the
Cathohcs of the royahst party to rejoin the union and to send
deputies to the meeting. This declaration provoked various
answers, notably one from Antoine Amauld entitled La Fleur
de Lys^. Inferior to the Anti-Espagnol from a hterary point
of view, it is on the whole more effective as a pamphlet.
Mayenne, the Duke of Savoy, the Jesuits, the Paris preachers,
and the "old tyrant of Spain," are aU in turn marks for the
writer's briUiant and cutting invective. It is noteworthy that
he points out the effect of Parma's death on the conduct of
the war, returning to it again in his fine peroration which

1 Hauser, op. cit. iv. no. 3038.

^ La Fleur de Lys: qui est un Discours d'un Francois retenu dans Paris,
sur les impietez et deguisements contenus au Manifeste d'Espagne publii au
mays de Janvier dernier, 32 pp. 1593 (Bib. Sund. I. no. 4730).

314 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

begins : Courage done, Francois, la victoire est vostre, Parme est
mort.

La Fleur de Lys was republished twice in this year; first
with the two Discours of Hurault in a volume entitled Trois
Excellens Discours sur i'estat present de la France*'^, and
secondly in a volume entitled Quatre Excellens Discours*,
which also contains the Anti-Espagnol, but with considerable
omissions and additions^. One of these additions is a defence
of the Salic law, vrai Palladium de la France; another is a
sharp attack on Louis Dorleans, and must have been added
after }vly at the earliest, for it refers to a pamphlet of his
which was called forth by the King's abjuration.

Dorleans had marked his disapproval of the murder of
President Brisson by withdrawing from the Sixteen, and in
October 1592 we hear of him inveighing against his former
associates. But by December he had turned round again
under the persuasion, according to L'Estoile, of Spanish gold;
"for," says that amusing diarist, "he resembled the great
Epaminondas in having to stay in bed to mend his breeches."
His new pamphlet, though it was not printed till the end of
February 1594, was no doubt circulated in manuscript long
before this. It is entitled Le Banquet du Comte d'Arete^, and
professes to be an account of a conversation held after a
dinner given by the count at the end of July. The attempt to
give a dramatic setting to the work is a complete failure; the
bad wit is as tedious as the ponderous learning, and the attack
on Henry IV is even more outrageously scurrilous than any-
thing that had yet come from Dorleans's pen. The following
passage gives a good idea of the writer's sentiments, whether
professed or real: "May God pardon that noble, royal, and
generous soul Charles IX, but the clemency of St Bartholo-
mew's day has been a rigorous and cruel clemency for France;
for the sparing of a httle blood has caused the death of a

1 There is no name of place or publisher.

* I have not seen this edition of the Quatre Discours. I have one of 1594,
which is clearly not from the same press as the Trois Discours; the Anii-
Espagnol has the same title as in the separate edition of 1593.

' Le Banquet et apris-dinie du Comte d' Arete, oil il se traicte de la dissimu-
lation du Roy de Navarre, et des masurs de ses partisans, Paris, 1594*.

LE BANQUET D' ARETE 315

thousand millions, and is in danger of bringing to destruction
France and the Christian religion." The only feature of interest
in the pamphlet is the verse, some of which is not devoid of
merit, especially the sonnet with which the pamphlet con-
cludes, and which begins thus :

Voiis nous pensez perdus, 6 monstres Politiques,
Vous nous pensez perdus par I'infidelit^.
Vos Chastres, vos Vitris, pleins de rapacity,
Ont vendu nos citez au roi des Heretiques^.

There is also a well-known portrait in verse of the Chancellor

de L' Hospital with his pale face, bald head, and long beard

down to his breast.

The Banquet d' Arete is the scream of passion of a beaten
cause. The King's conversion had cut the ground from under
the League. If, on the one hand, it may be said to have
justified the existence of the League, on the other it made
that existence no longer possible. Had not Louis Dorleans
himself said in his first pamphlet that if Henry abjured his
rehgion in order to be king, every leaguer must rejoice, as the
angels rejoice at the conversion of a sinner?^ And now,
almost on the very day when the printing of his latest pam-
phlet was completed, Henry was crowned at Chartreswith the
full ritual and ceremonial of the Catholic church*. As for
Dorleans himself, he lived to write a glowing and apparently
sincere panegyric on Henry IV after his death, and died him-
self in 1629, aged eighty-seven years.

The only remaining pamphlet which I propose to notice is
the well-known Dialogue d'entre le Maheustre et le Manant. It
is often cited by historians, being the principal authority for
the formation of the Paris League, but the circumstances of
its publication make it desirable to say a few words about it
here. It appeared early in December 1593 without name of
publisher or place of publication*. The attack on Mayenne

1 This sonnet must have been written just before the publication of the
pamphlet. The news of the surrender of Orleans by La Chastre reached
Paris on February 20 (L'Estoile, vi. 127).

^ Apologie des Catholiques, p. 15.

' February 27, 1594, the first Sunday in Lent.

' So far as I know, there are only two copies of this first edition; one
(which I have consulted) is in the Bib. Nationale, and the other was formerly
in the collection of the late Baron de Ruble (Cat. Ruble, 1899, no. 624).

3l6 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

which it contained made him very angry; he had a search
made for the unknown printer, and two printers to the League,
Rolin Thierry and Lyon Cavellat, were imprisoned on the
charge of having printed it^. The pamphlet itself was sup-
pressed and became exceedingly rare. On December 30 a
summary of its chief points which had been made by Pierre
de I'Estoile was read to Henry IV, who was much pleased,
and said he would give any sum for a copy of the pamphlet.
He had to pay ten crowns for one^- The authorship of the
work has been variously assigned to Cruce, to Louis Morin,
sumamed Crome, and to Nicolas RoUand, all members of the
Sixteen, and the two former among its most prominent
leaders. There is nothing to connect RoUand with the author-
ship. Cruce, according to L'Estoile, was privy to the publica-
tion, but contemporary gossip pointed to Crome as the author.
' ' If you had hanged Crome when you had him in your hands,"
said a member of Mayenne's council to him, "the book would
never have seen the light*." For Crome had escaped byflight
from the death to which Mayenne had sentenced him as one
of the principal agents in the murder of Brisson and his com-
panions. He had afterwards retunied to Paris, and had been
discovered and denounced to Mayenne, but by his orders had
been left in peace. There was no more thorough-going leaguer.
When the Sixteen proposed the estabUshment of a Chambre
ardente for the trial of heretics and traitors to the League, his
name was fitly suggested for the office of president.

In spite of the suppression of Le Maheustre et le Manant,
it was republished early in the following year (1594) imder
the same title*, but with considerable additions to the part of
the Maheustre, which have the effect of greatly strengthening
his case. For instance, he is made to insist on the sincerity

1 L'Estoile, VI. 110-113. Thierry's partner in general business was
Nicolas Nivelle.

2 L'Estoile, VI. 123. ' lb. 115.

* The edition (of which I have a copy) to which my references are made
has 158 leaves; on the back of the title-page there is a woodcut representing
the two interlocutors. There is another edition of 1594 with 123 pages,
badly printed in small type, which according to Brunet is later. This revised
version is also printed in the Ratisbon edition of the Satire Minippie (1726),
III. 367 fi.

LE MAHEUSTRE ET LE MANANT 317

of the King's conversion, and to argue at some length that
the Pope's absolution was unnecessary to make it complete^.
He inculcates more than once the duty of obedience to lawful
authority — je vous ay monstre que sur peine de damnation eter-
nelle Dieu nous commande d'obeir d noz superieurs tels qu'ils
soient^ — and he points out that the action of the Sixteen in
putting to death Brisson and his companions was contrary
to the teaching of the Scriptures*. Again a long continuous
narrative by the Manant in justification of the League's course
of action since its formation is in the revised version con-
stantly interrupted by the Maheustre with abuse of the Six-
teen* In another new passage they are charged with being
one and all in the pay of Spain*.

Such being the character of the additions, we are justified,
I think, in accepting as correct a manuscript note on the title-
page of the copy of the original edition, in the Bibliotheque
Nationale, which states that the revised edition was printed
by the King's party. In fact, if one reads the pamphlet in the
revised edition, the case for the League appears so weak that
i^seems incredible that a leaguer should have written it. But
read in the original edition, it appears in its true light as the
apology of the League made in its last agony. "I would
rather be the subject of a foreigner who is a Cathohc than of
a Frenchman who is a heretic." These words faithfully repre-
sent the state of feeling which the League leaders and the
Jesuits had so skilfully fostered among the populace of Paris ;
and while they show how utterly the King's conversion had
cut the ground from under them, they serve to remind us
that in a sense the League's existence was justified by the
issue. It had been instituted to prevent the succession of a
heretic to the throne of France, and in this at any rate it had
succeeded.

Note. When this paper appeared in the English Historical
Review for July 1899, it was followed by a note in which I
discussed the meaning of the term "the Sixteen." Since then

1 24 10-28 ro. * 21 ro. ' 71 ro.

* 61 yo-ee r". ° 132 vo.

3l8 PAMPHLETS OF THE WARS OF RELIGION

the origin of the League and its early organisation have been
recounted with great clearness and precision by M. Mariejol
in vol. VI. part i. of the History of France, edited by M. Lavisse.
His account follows that of our principal source, Le Maheustre
et le Manant, so closely that it leaves little or no room for
criticism.

The League then, as at first organised, consisted of a
Council of nine or ten members, and of five persons, not
members of the Council, whose duty it was to obtain new
adherents, dividing between them for that purpose the six-
teen quarters of the town. These five with the addition of
Charles Hotteman, Sieur de La Rocheblond, the originator
of the League, were known as "the Six." In their work of
recruiting they had the help of twelve assistants, whose names
as well as those of the Six are given in Le Maheustre et le
Manant.

As the League grew in numbers the organisation became
more elaborate. The Council of nine or ten seems to have dis-
appeared and its place was taken by the General Council of
the Union, a body of forty who represented and were elected
by the three Estates. Le Maheustre et le Manant gives their
names ; among the most prominent are Rose, Bishop of Senlis
and Rector of the University, Prevost, Boucher, Aubry, and
Launoy for the clergy; Acarie, La Bruydre, Auroux, Drouart,
Cruce, and Senault for the Third Estate. We also learn that
after the death of the old Cardinal de Bourbon the League
set up councils of nine in each of the sixteen quarters of the
city, and M. Mariejol adds, as an inference, that the heads of
these councils or committees formed the directing Council of
the League. Now there was a Council which was commonly
called the "Council of the Sixteen," but the full title of which
was the "Coimcil of the sixteen quarters of Paris." Did it
consist of sixteen members, neither more nor less? It is true
that such a Council is mentioned in an account of the Re-
ligious Wars by one Nicolas Lefevre de Lezeau, which treats
of the years from 1585 to 1594 in some detail, and that the
names of the first sixteen members are duly set forth. They
consist of Cruce, Bussy-Leclerc, Louchart, Senault, La

THE "SIXTEEN 319

Morliere, La Bruyere, Drouart, Alvequin, Aimonnot, Oudi-
neau, Morin, Debart, Letellier, Jabliet, Messier, and Passart^.
This is dear enough, but we must add to Lezeau's statement
two other pieces of evidence. On February 24, 1591, the
"Council" of the sixteen quarters of the city, sent a letter to
the Pope which was signed for the whole body {toute la com-
pagnie) by eight of their number — Genebrard, Boucher,
Aubry, Launoy, Bussy-Leclerc, La Bruyere, Cruce, and
Senault. Eight signatories, it may be noted, is rather a large
number, if the whole number was only sixteen ^ Again, a letter
of November 20, 1591, addressed to the King of Spain was
signed by sixteen signatories who describe themselves as
les gens tenans le Conseil. The names include Genebrard,
Amehne, Louchart, Crome (who is described as Conseiller au
grand Conseil), Cruce, Acarie, Launoy {un des Presidens au
Conseil), and La Bruyere, but they do not include Aubry,
Bussy-Leclerc, or Senault. Nor, in the copy of the document
given by Pierre de L'Estoile*, do they include Boucher.
Ranke, however, who had seen the original document in the
Simancas archives at Paris, draws attention to the signature
of Boucher, which makes seventeen signatories. Of course
Bussy, Aubry, and Senault may have gone ofE the Council
between the dates of the two letters, but Senault, according
to L'Estoile, was the Seize of his quarter.

On the whole the right conclusion would seem to be that,
if we may trust Lezeau, who was bom hardly before 1580,
the Council consisted originally of only sixteen members, one
for each quarter, but it was afterwards enlarged by the ad-
dition of other members. At any rate one thing is certain : in
current speech the "Sixteen" denoted the whole body of the
more violent leaguers, or catholiques zeles as they called them-
selves — some 30,000 in number.

1 Cimber and Danjou, xiv. 9 fi.

2 Palma Cayet, Nov. 11. 412 r".
' Mimoires — Journaux, v. 136.

320

Note on Dorat

It was not till after my paper on Dorat and the Pleiade was in type
that I had an opportunity of consulting M. Pierre de NoUiac's
Ronsard et I'Humanisme^, and as about the same time Professor
Pearson kindly directed my attention to an article bearing on
Dorat by John Masson in the Journal of Philology, xvi (1888),
114 ff., it seemed convenient to incorporate this additional in-
formation in a supplementary note. M. de NoUiac's contribution
is particularly valuable because he formerly had the intention of
dealing with Dorat as a philologist and collected materials for
that purpose. To the witnesses to Dorat's merits as a scholar and
teacher of scholars that I have cited above he adds Marc-Antoine
Muret and the Dutchmen Jan van der Does (Janus Dousa) and
William Canter, both of whom were Dorat's pupils. The latter,
whose industrious career was cut short at the early age of thirty-
two 2, records with approval in his Novae lectiones? emendations
by Dorat in Theocritus, Athenaeus, Propertius, Statius, and
Ausonius. And in the little pocket editions of Aeschylus (1580)
and Sophocles (1579) which he edited for Plantin he signifies his
assent to certain emendations of Dorat's in the Agamemnon and
the Philoctetes.

It is with the Philoctetes that Masson's paper is concerned, for
he discovered in the British Museum a copy of Tumebe's edition
of Sophocles (1553) which had belonged to Denys Lambin, and in
which that scholar has recorded in the margin various emenda-
tions suggested by himself or Dorat. Those credited to Dorat
number between twenty and thirty, besides some explanatory
notes. Jebb, referring to them in his preface to the play, sa57S
that they are more or less obvious, but he singles out four for
special mention.

In Masson's article reference is made to Lambin's preface to his
edition of Lucretius, in which he speaks of having consulted his
colleagues Turnebe and Dorat with regard to his proposed correc-
tions of the text. The passage is quoted by M. de Nolhac (p. 76,
n. i), who also notes that the second book of the De natura deorum
is dedicated to Ronsard, the fifth to Turnebe, and the sixth to
Dorat (p. 80).

Finally, let me record that M. de Nolhac reproduces a beautiful
drawing of Dorat, which he discovered in the Cabinet des Estampes.

1 Bibl. des Hautes £tudes, fasc. 227 (1921).

2 1542-1575.

' Novarum lectionum libri quatuor, Basle, 1564; libri sex, Basle, 1566;
libri octo, Antwerp, 1571.

INDEX

Acajie, 318

Aegineta. P., 144

AeUan, 115, 141

Aeschylus, 219-223, 226; Agamem-
non, 221, 222, 227, 320; Choe-
phori, 221, 222

"Aesopus," 7

Affaitadi, G. F., 28

Africa, 82, 83

Ageu, 155

Agnese, B., 56

Aunonnot, 319

Aksakoff, S., 246

Albertus Magnus, 4, 36, 38

Albret, Jeanne d', 161, 301

Albuquerque, 30, 33

Alciati, 125, 151, 163

Alcinous, 146

Aleandro, 130, 135, 144

Alenfon, Duke of, 302, 303

Alexandre le Grand, 12, 21

Alfonse, Jean, 43, 46, 47, 49, 52, 6l,
77. 78. 90

Alva, Duke of, 296

Alvequin, 319

Amadis de Gaide, 16, 18, 19

Amboise, Cardinal d', 9

Amundsen, Roald, 6g

Amyot, 251, 288

"Anacreon," 229, 230

Andr6, J., 192

Andrelini, F., 9

Aneau, B., 154, 157

Angers, University of, 151, 153, 163

Angier, M., 5, 6, 7

Ango, J., 40-41, 44

Anthology, the Greek, 146

Anticosti, 41, 42

Anti-Espagnol, the, 295, 310, 313

Anti-Machiavel, 302

Aphrodisium, 83

Apollin de Tyr, 14, 21

ApoUonius Rhodius, 223, 224, 226

Appian, 147

Apuleius, 187, 206

Aratus, 223, 224, 226

Arcadia, the, 188

Ariosto, his Comedies and Orlando
Furioso, 188

Aristophanes, 132, 144, 191, 195.223

Aristotle, 4, 69, 139. 141. i45. 289

Armagnac, G. d', 163, 165

Armstrong, E., 295, 300

Amauld, Antoine, 310, 313

(youngest son of above), 261,

265

T. S. F. R.

Amauld d'Andilly, 310

AmouUet, O., 16, 22, 24

Artus de Bretaigne or Le petit Artus,

15, i6, i8, 22, 187
Aubert, D., 13
Aubign6, A. d', 232, 308
Aubry, 318, 319
Auctores octo, 7
Augereau, A., 146, 193
Augustine, St, 242, 277, 280, 289;

La Citi de Dieu, 15
Auroux, 318
Avienus, 224

Badius, Josse, 6, 9, 124, 127, 130,
132, 145^ 146, 147, 172, 190, 196

— Perrette, 172
Baduel, C, 150

Baif, J.-A. de, 131, 229, 231, 232

— L. de, 159-160, 165
Bailly, globe of, 57
Balzac, J. Guez de, 259, 264
Banda, 33

Banquet du Comte d' Arete, Le, 314,

315
Barclay, A., 185
Bamaud, N., 299, 300
Baron, E., 151, 152, 153
Bartholomew, St, massacre of, 282,

284, 295, 298, 302, 314
Basin, Thomas, 2
Baudoin de Flandres, 14, 16, 21
Bayle, 266, 267, 271, 277
Beaudoin, F., 151
Beaujeu, Anne de, 189

— Rerre de, 189
BeccadelU, A., 235
Bedford, Duke of, i

Bedier, Noel, 127, 137, 192, 196

Bellarmiu, 312

BeUeau, R., 229, 230, 231, 232

Belle H^Une, La, 13, 17, 24

Belluga, P., 183, 186, 211

Belon, P., 141, 142

Bembo, 125, 159

Beothics, the, 49

B6rault, N., 128-129, 132, 160

B^rinus, 12, 24

Bermudas, the, 52

Berquin, L., 192

Bertaud, J., 192, 210

Bertaut, J., n

Bertrand, P., 202

Bertrandi, J. de, 154, 202, 217

Besch, £., 13

Beufves d'Anthonnes, 19

322

INDEX

Beza, T., 154, 162, 299, 300
Bible, Latin, 198, 215
BiblioMque hleue, the, 17
Binet, 228, 231, 232
Biot, J.-B., 270
Blomfield, C. J., 221, 222
Boccaccio, II Filocolo, 187, 211;

Decameron, 188
Boethius, 5

Bon Mesnager, Le, 197, 213
Bonchamp, J., 133
Bonfons, Jean, 15, 16, 172

— Nicolas, 15, 174
Bonhomme, J., 171
■— P., 171

— Yolande, 171
Bonnefon, P., 274
Bonnemfere, A,, 22
Bordeaux, 80, 148, 149, 162

— Parlement of, 149
Borneo, 33
Boscan, 184
Bossuet, 242, 263
Boston, Dean, 161
Bouchard, A., 175, 189, 205, 211
Boucher, J. (Leaguer), 307, 318, 319
Bouchet, J., 186, 190, 199, 205, 213,

214
Boulenger, J., 85-87, 92, 103
Bourbon, Constable de, 189

— Cardinal de, 311

— N., 160, 161

Bourdign^, Ch. de, Ligende de Pierre
Faifeu, 17

— J. de, 210
Bourges, 112

— University of, 151, 153
Bourgueville, Ch. de, 8
Boutilher, La Somme rurale, 15, 199,

214
BoyssonnS, J. de, 152, 154
Bradshaw, Henry, 168
Breslay, G., 208
Brest, 80

Breton, R., 149, 160
Bri9onuet, Guillaume, 8

— Robert, 8

Brie, Germain de, 128, 129, 160

Brigade, the, 228, 229

Brisson, B., 130, 313, 314, 316, 317

Brixius. See Brie

Brocardus, 30, 199

Brodeau, V., 93

BrunetiSre, F., 71, 233, 238, 239,

240, 241, 247, 284
Bruni, L., 235
Buchanan, G., 149
Bud6, Dreux, 129

— Guillaume, 69, 123-128, 129, 131,

143, 145. 155. 157. 159. 165. 179.
187, 191, 207, 240

Budin, C, 149
Buisson, R., 6
Bunel, P., 154, J59
Burchard. See Brocardus
Bureau, G., 10
Buridan, 4
Burrell, E., 204
Busleiden, J., 126
Bussy-Leclerc, 318, 319
Butler, Joseph, 255
Buyer, B., 14, 21, 25

Cabot, J., 49, 54

— S., his map, 34
Cabral, 27, 28, 36, 37
Ca da Mosto, 27, 36, 37
Cadier, N., 6

Caen, Printing press, 5-7

— Saint-Pierre, i

— University, i-ii; Colleges: Des
Arts, 3 ; Du Bois, 3,8; Du Mont, 3 ;
Le Cloutier, 3

Caesar, 187, 191

Calcagnini, C, 240

Calendrier des Bergers, 1 7

Calicut, 28, 37

Caligny, R. de, 136

Callimachus, 116, 223, 224, 225, 226

Calvin, 74, 127, 135, 153, 239, 240,

241. 257
Cambrai, Treaty of, 126, 127, 128
Canada, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 90
Canappe, J., 144, 157
Canary Islands, 35
Canter, W., 320
Cap Saint-Matthieu, io8
Cape Breton, 40

island, 42

Capuchins, Order of, 90, 91, 98

Carcel de Amor, II, 181, 187, 208

Caribbean islands, 33

Carmoy, C, 76, 113

Carrier, J., 36, 39-54. 57. 58, 61, 64,

69, 78, 90
Casaubon, 221, 222
Cathay, 39, 40, 54-65
Caiholique anglais, Le, 304
"Cato," 7

Caturce, J. de, 152, 154
Cauchon, P., 3
Cavellat, 172
Caviceo, Libra del peregrina, 181,

187, 190, 208, 209
Caxton, 171
Cebes, 146

Cecil, Wm (Lord Burleigh), 177-178
Celestina, La, 181, 184, 187, 192,

208
Ceneau, R., 198, 217
Ceylon, 32, 33
Chabot, Admiral, 41, 42

INDEX

323

Chamard, H., 219, 223, 226, 228
Chamhre Ardente, La. 68, 106
Chambre des Comptes, La, 102, 103
Champier, S., 144, 157
Champion, Ediii6, 281-284
Champlain, 58
Changy, P. de, 201
Charles V, Emperor, 38, 55, 81, 83,
126, r66, 198

— V, King of France, 197

— VI, 13

— VII, 2

— IX, 296, 302, 304
Charlesbourg Royal, 43, 77
Charrier, J., 201
Charron, 259

Chartier, A., 180, 185, 186, 200, 208

Chastelaiu, G., 180, 181, 185, 206

Chatillon, Cardinal de, 71, 72, 129

Chaudidre, R., 21, 172

Chaussard, B., 14, 25, 39

Cheke, J., 178

Ch^nier, A., 270

Cheradame, 131-133

ChevaUon, C, 172

Chinou, 117

Chrestien, F., 231, 232

— N., 15

Christie, R. C, 158
Chrysippus, 233, 250
Church, Dean, 272

Cicero, 138, 144, 150, 163, 187, 200,
210, 214, 215, 234, 235, 236, 238,
250, 289
Ciminelh, S., i8i
Clamadis, 14, 24
Clamorgan, J. de, 79
Clary, F. de, 312-313
Cleanthes, 118, 250
Clement VII, 31
Clement, Jacques, 308
CUriadus et Meliadice, 15, 22
Clerk, John, 132
Clichtove, J., 6
Clouzot, H., 76, 77, 1 1 6, 117
Cocaye, Merlin, 69
Cohn, J., 142
CoHnes, S. de, 33, 37, 137, 144, 1-45,

146, 169, 172, 190, 198
Columbus, 26, 27, 33, 35, 54
Commines, P. de, 169, 179-180, 207,

208, 216, 217, 218
Concordat, the, 198
Conqueste de Grice, La, 24, 182, 192,

196, 209
Conqueste de THhisonde, 19
Contarini, Cardinal, 201
Contr'un, the, 301
Conversini, G., 234, 235
Cop, G., 143
Copernicus, 252

Coquillart, 185, 186, 212

Coras, J. de, 151, 153

Cordier, Maturin, 134-135, 149, 163,

165
Coron6, D., 132
Corrozet, G., 184, 212
Cortegiano, the, 188
Cortereal, 28
Cortfe, Herndn, 37, 55
Cousteau, A., 191, 192, 200
— N., 191, 192
Coustumes du pays et duchi de Bour-

bonnoys, Les, 189, 191, 207
Cowper, William, 246
Crastone, 128, 131
Cr6py, treaty of, 44
Crescenzi, P., 197
Cretico, G. M., 27, 28
Cretin, 180, 184, 193, 209
Crinitus, 279
Croisic, 44
Croke, R., 125
Crom6, 316, 319
Cruc6, 316, 318, 319
Cujas, J., 151, 152, 153, 219, 299
Cura9oa, 33

Curtius, Quintus, 187, 190, 2H
Cymbalum mundi, 179, 194

Dallier, L., 207

Dampierre, J., 160-161, 162

Pan6s, 130, 131, 132, 203

D'Aramon, 81, 83, 140, 141

Dassy, F., 181, 208, 209

Dati, Agostino, 6

Daudin, 178

Debart, 319

Decio, F., 153

De contemptu mundi, 7

Delalain, P., 169, 199, 204

Delaruelle, L., 124, 130

Delisle, L., 4, 5, 7, 178

Deloynes, 128

Demery, A., 216

Demosthenes, 144, 145, 146, 191

Denisot, N., 230

Des Autels, 229, 230

Descartes, 266

Descelier, Pierre, 52, 54, 57, 63

Des Essarts, Herberay, 18

Deshen, N., 57, 63

Des Pr6s, P., 6

Despauterius, 5

Desperiers, 114, 166

Desrey, P., 175, 186, 188

Destruction de Jerusalem, 14, 22

Dezeimeris, R., 284

Diaconus, P., 173, 187, 204

Dialogue d'entre le Maheustre et le

Manant, 315-318
Diderot, 269

324

INDEX

Didymus, 145

Dieppe, 40, 44, 63, 64, 80

Dio Cassius, 147

Diogenes Laertius, 233, 236, 250, 289

Dionysius of Halicamassus, 147,

187, 210
Dioscorides, 144
Disciple de Pantagrviel, Le, 69, 98,

116, 117
Discours merveilleux, the, 298, 301
Doctrinale, the, 7
Dolet, 128, 154, 155, 158, 159, 160,

161, 162, 164, 166
Doneau, H., 152, 153, 299
Donnacona, 42, 50
Doolin de Mayence, 19
Doon, his descendants, 20
Dorat, 123, 130, 167, 219-232, 320
Dorea, Andrea, 83
Doremet, J., 47
Dorleans, L., 301, 303, 304, 305, 309,

310, 314, 315
Dormi secure, 7
Dousa, J., 320
Dowden, E., 285
Dragut Rais, 82, 83
Droit des magistrats, Du, 300
Drouart, 318, 319
Droz, F.-X.-J., 270
Duaren, F., 151, 153
Du Bellay, Guillanme, 201

— Jean, 45, 66, 67, 68, 69, 73, 76,

77. 142

— Joachim, 224, 229, 230, 231, 232

— Ren6, 142, 230

Du Belloy, P., 303, 304, 305
Dubois, J. (Sylvius), 123

— S., 145, 193
Du Bourg, A., 151

Du Chastel, 123, 133, 142

Ducher, G., i6i, 162

Du Choul, G., 157

Du Deffand, Mme, 268

Du Fail, Noel, 17

Du Ferrier, A., 152, 153

Du Guesclin, 14, 21

Duhamel, P., 142

Du Maine, G., 131

Dumas, Alexandre, La Tour de

Nesle, 4
Du Petit Val, 44
Duplessis-Momay, 305
Du Prat, 126
Du Pr6, Galliot I, 21, 23, 24, 31, 137,

168-218

— Galliot II, 203

— Jean, 15, 22, 23

— Pierre I, 203
Durandas, J., 5
Du Redouer, 176

Du Rueil, J., 128, 132, 143, 144

Du Saix, A., 181
Dutens, J.-M., 270
Du Tillet, J., 198, 217

£.dipus, 12, 22

Egidius of Viterbo, 174

Egnatius, 125

Einstein, 252

Emerson, 271

Emilio, P., 9, 150, 199, 214

Encomium trium Mariarum, 188,
192, 210

Epaminondas, 203

£pemon. Due d', 306 307

Epictetus, 260

Erasmus, 6, 7, 69, 91, 94, 95, 96, 99,
no, 125, 126, 127, 138, 155, 158,
159. 163, 187, 206, 237, 282

Estienne, Charles, 148

— Henri I, 172

— Henri II, 123, 131, 147, 220, 222,
227, 232, 301

— Robert, 135, 136, 147-148, 160,
164, 165, 172

Estissac, G. d', 163, 165
Estrebay, J.-L. d', 134
Eton College, i
Eugenius IV, i
Euripides, no, 160, 223
Eusebius, 147
Eustace, G., 171

Fabius Maximus, 237
Fabre, M.-J.-V., 270
'Fabrice, A., 149
Facetus, 7, 213

Faguet, E., 274, 275, 277, 280
FamS, R., 215
Famese, Ottavio, 71
Ferdinand V (the CathoUc), 173
Fernand, Charles, 9

— Jean, 9

Femel, 123, 134, 143

Ferrara, University of, 153

Ferreti, E., 153

F6zandat, M., 24

Ficino, Marsiglio, 7

Fierabras, 14, i6, 17, 20

Fin6, O., 63, 137, 183

Fleur de Lys, La, 313

Florent et Lyon, 24

Floras et Blanchefleur, 13, 15, 24

Florida, 40, 55, 56

Florimorit, 22

Foix, Gaston de, 174

Foresti, 198, 213

Francesca, 55, 56, 63

France-Turguie, La, 300

Francis I, 40, 43, 66, 123, 124, 126,
131. 139. 141. 142. 145. 148, 150,
152, 166, 190, 193, 197, 198, 240

INDEX

325

Francis II, 295

Franco-Gallia, 295, 296

Franfois de Sales, St, 271

Frellon, J., 158

Froissart, 186, 192, 199, 200, 210

Fulgosus (Fregoso), B., 206

Funk Islands, 53

Gaguin, R., 9, 175

Gaigny, J. de, 130

Galen, 143, 144, 145, 148, 245

Galien rhUori, 13, 15, 16, 17, 20

Galland, P., 138

Gallion, 79

Galy, E., 273

Ganay, J. de, 173

Garamond, C, 147

Garbin, 21

Garcilaso de la Vega, 184

Gasp6 Bay, 41, 51

Gauvain, 22

Gaza, Theodore, 144, 145

G61ida, J., 134, 139, 149

GelUus, Aulus, 69

Genealogie des Rois de France, La,

195. 207
Genebrard, 319
Geneva, 135, 166
Genghis Khan, 34, 35
GentiUet, I., 302

Geoffrey with the great tooth, 17
Geoffroy d, la grand dent, 15, 23
Gerard, P., 15
G&rard de Nevers, 24
Girard d'Euphrate, 15, 19, 20
Gesner, C., 129, 154, 299
Giglan, 23
GiUes, Nicole, 175, 180, 186, 189,

198, 208, 214, 216, 217
Gilles de Delft, 9
Giocondo, Fra, 28, 237
Giovio, Paolo, 31, 36, 37
Girard de RoussUlon, 13, 20
Giron le Courtois, X2, 18, 19, 23
Giustiniani, A., 135
Glane, river, 108
Goa, 30

Godefroi de Bouillon, 21
Gogol, N., 246
Gomes, E., 54, 55
Gonzaga, F., 82
Goubey, J., 7
Gourmont, G. de, 144
Goumay, Mile de, 258
Gouvain, J., 5
Gouv6a, Andr4 de, 134, 148, 149

— Antoine de, 134, 148, 153, 162

— Jacques de, 134
Gouvis, J. de, 3

Grand Coustumier de France, 174,
176, 199, 204, 205

Grandes chroniques, Les, 174, 195,
205

de Bretagne, 174, 205

Grassailles, C. de, 216

Grecismus, the, 7

Gregory XIV, 311, 313

Gregory Nazianzen, 146

Grenoble, 163, 166

Gribaldi, M., 152

Gringore, P., 184, 185, 186, 193,212

Grolier, J., 157

Grouchy, N., 149

Griin, A., 273

Grynaeus, Simon, 29, 137, 183

Gryphius, S., 157-158

Guarino, B., 235

— da Verona, 235
Giinther of Andernach, 143
Gu6rente, G., 149
Gu6rin, M. de, 246, 249
Guirin Mesquin, 24

— de Montglave, 20
Guevara, 182, 184, 201, 213, 215
Guidacerio, 135, 136, 139
Guidi, G., 143

Guienue, College of, 148-149, 150,

154, i6i, 164, 167
Guillard, Ch., 9

— Charlotte, 172

Guillaume de Palerme, 13, 15, 24
Guise, J. de, 182, 199, 211, 212
Guizot, G., 254, 259, 275-277, 279
Guy de Warwick, 24

Hakluyt, 45, 55
Harleian map, 52, 63, 64
Harrisse, H., 172
Hauser, H., 239, 304, 308, 313
Hayton the Armenian, 30, 36, 37
Headlam, W., 220, 227
Hector de Troye, 22
Hemard, Charles, 95
Henri II, 66, 67, 68, 71, 72, 78, 79,
80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 105, 130, 295

— Ill, 294, 306, 307, 309

— IV, 294, 304, 307, 309, 311, 312,
314, 315, 316, 317

Henry VI, i-io

— VIII, 55. 57. 173
Herm, island of, 47
Hermann, G., 220, 221, 222
Hermogenes, 146
Herodotus, 36, iii, 289
Hervet, G., 154

Hesiod, 146, 223

Higman, J., 172

Hippocrates, 143, 144, 145, 146, 156

Hochelaga, 42, 43, 51

Hoffding, Prof., 250

Holbein, 161

Homer, 146, 226, 227

21 — 3

326

INDEX

Homeric Hymns, no
Honfleur, 39, 44

Horace, 5, 224, 226, 228, 230, 271
Horapollo, Hieroglyphica, 191
Hostingue, L., 5, 7
Hotman, F., 151, 153, 295, 296
Hotteman, Ch., 318
Hubert, G., 9
Huet, P.-D., 4, 271
Hunsdon, Lord, 161
Huon de Bordeaux, 13, 16, 17, 24
Hurault, M., 295, 307, 311, 312, 314
Huttich, J., 29

Hypnerotomachia, 92, 100, 101, 102,
III, 112, n8, 120, 243

Image of St Nicholas, the, 15

Inchkeith, 78

Instructions sur le faict de la guerre,

201, 216, 217
Isabella, 35
Isle aux Margaulx, 64
Isle des Hermaphrodites, 306
Isocrates, 144, 145
Ivan the Terrible, 81

JabUer, 319
Janot, Denys, 200

— Jean, 24
Jargeau, 89

Jason et Midie, 13, 14, 22

Java, 33

Jehannot, J., 15

Joan of Arc, 2, 3

Joannes de Garlandia, 7

Joao da Nova, 28

Jodelle, £., 229, 231, 232

John XXII, 202

Jore, D., 8

Jouennaux, Guy, 6

Joseph, a Nestorian priest, 28

Josephus, 187, 190, 192, 210

Jourdain de Blaves, 20

Judas Machabde, 22

Juhus II, 173, 174, 239

— Ill, 71, 72, 76, 82
Juste, F., 69
Justin Martyr, 147

Kazan, 81

Kerver, T., 171

Kimchi, D., 136

King's College, Cambridge, i

La Bofitie, 258, 288, 301
Labrador, 41, 42, 49, 52, 53, 61
La Bruyfere, 264, 265, 271

— (Leaguer), 318, 319
La Chine, 58

La Croix du Maine, 6
Lactantius, 213

La Fayette, Mme de, 26^

La Fontaine, 102

La Forest, 139, 165

La Fresnaye, 102

La Garde, J. de, 179, 194

La Harpe, 270

La Hogue, J. de, 213

L'Aigue, E. de, 210

La Mare, G. de, 8-10

Lambin, D., 123, 177, 219, 320

La Morlifere, 319

Lancelot, 12, ig, 16, 18, ig, 23

L'AngeUer, 203

La Noue, F. de, 19, 294

Lanusse, M., 274

La Peruse, 224, 229, 230

Lapeyre, L., 273

Lapitheus, A., 132

La Planche, R. de, 295, 297, 298

La Renaudie, 295

La Rochefoucauld, 267

La Rochelle, 43, 46, 48, 49, 77

La Salle, 58

Lascaris, Janus, 125

Latin, use of, i6g

Laumonier, P., 224, 226, 228, 232

Launoy, 318, 319

Le Bourgeois, J., 23

Leclerc, J.-V., 270

Lee, Edward, 57

Leeu, Gerard, ig, 24, 30

Le Ferron, A., 150, 154, 155

Le Ffivre, H6mon, 24

— Raoul, 13

LefSvre d'fitaples, 9, 135, 137, 192
Lefranc, Abel, 26, 32, 33, 34, 46-53,
61, 63, 68, 84, 105, 126, 132, 245

— Martin, 185, 191, 210
Ligende dorie, the, 17

— du cardinal de Lorraine, 298
Le Havre, 39

Lemaire, Jean, 118, 180, 181, 182,

185, 187, 211, 212, 216
Le Mans, 77, 142
Le Moine, G., 6
Lenfant, J., 2
Le Noir, M., 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24

— P., 39
Leo X, 30
Leonicus, 125

Le Preux, Poncet, 175
Le Roy, L., 131, 155
L'Esnauderie, P. de, 10
L'Estoile, P. de, 151

— (grandson of the above), 301, 307,
309, 314. 316, 319

Letellier, 319

Le Voyer, 132, 133

L'Hospital, M. de, 223, 284, 298,

.307. 315
Libri de re rustica, 193, 197, 212

INDEX

327

Ligugg, 163

Limoges, 112, 113

Linacre, 125, 143

Lisieux, 2

Livre des Marchands, 295, 296-298

Livy, 69, 289

Lizet, P., 192

Longis, J., 15, 21, 22, 25, 190

Longueil, C. de, 125, 128, 158. 159

Loredan, Doge, 28

L'Onne,.Philibert, 76, 77

Lorraine, the Cardinal of, 68, 72,

296, 297
Lotrian, A., 15, 25
Louchart. 318, 319
Louis XI, 2, 14
Louise of Savoy, 33, 38, 126
Lowndes, Miss, 274
Loyal Serviteur, Le, 169, 182, 186,

192, 209
Loyola, Ignatius, 134
Loys, J., 146

Lucian, no, 116, 118, 145, 146
Lucretius, 257, 320
Lupset, T., 125, 132
Lycophron, 223, 224, 225, 226
Lyons, 156-158, 161, 162, 163, 164,

166

Miibrian, 13, 21, 180, 192, 208

Mace, Jean, 6, 172

— - Richard, 6

— Robert, 5

Machiavelli, 237, 238, 302

Macrin, S., 160, 162

Madriganni, M., 28, 29, 30

Mafiei, R., 38, 131

Magdeburg, 83

Magellan, 31, 33, 54, 55

Maggiolo, V. di, 56

Magny, O. de, 230

MahSdia, 82

Maillard, A., 309, 311

MaUlet, 14, 25

Maillezais, 17, 163

Mailly, N. de, 215

Maiziferes, G. de, 132

Malacca, 30, 33

Malebranche, 264, 265, 266, 268, 269

Malherbe, 11

Malv6zin, T., 273

Mandeville, 34, 35, 39

Mansion, C, 14, 22, 199

Mantuanus, Baptista, 7

Manuel, King of Portugal, 30, 34

Manutius, 159

"Map of Henri II," 64-65

Marco Polo, 30, 36, 37

Mareschal, P., 14, 25

Margaret of Navarre, 131, 136, 151

Margarita, island, 33

Marifijol, J.-H., 318
Marnef, the brothers de, 171

— Enguilbert de, 180

Marot, C16ment, 16, 181, 186, 188,

193. 195. 223
Marseilles, 162
MaruUus, 226
Masson, B., 135, 138
Matthias of Miechow, 31
Maugis d'Aigremont, 21, 180
Maurice of Saxony, 82, 83
Mayenne, Due de, 312, 313, 316
Medici, Catherine de", 225, 296, 301,

302

— Cosmo de', 236

— Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de', 27,
29, 236

Melanchthon, 150

Meliadus, 12, 18, 23, 179, 196, 209

Milusine, 12, 14, 16, 17, 24

Menander, 275

Mer des hisioires, La, 177, 186, 192,

199, 205
Mercator, Gerard, 63
Mer6, 260
Merlin, 12, 18, 23
Merlin, J., 180, 208
Meschinot, J., 184, 209
Mesmes, H. de, 167
Messier, 319

Metz, 45, 61, 62, 66, 69, 84, III
Meurvin, 13, 21
Michel, G., 184
Milles et Amys, 21
Milton, 226
Minuti, J. de, 154
Mirabeau, 270
Mirandola, 83

Mirouer historial, Le, 187, 205, 211
Mississippi, the, 58
Mitford, J., 221
Mitton, 260
Molidre, 233, 267
MoUnet, 180
Molther, Menrad, 30, 31
Monantheuil, 132
■ Montaigne, 16, 149, 165, 166, 203,

227, 228, 233, 242, 243, 247-258
Montalboddo, F. da, 27, 176
Montesquieu, 268
Montjoye, 175, 205
Montmorency, the Constable de, 68,

71, 84, 295
Montpellier, University of, 156, 162
Montreal, 42, 58

More, Sir T., 32, 125, 158, 237, 238
Morgant le Giant, 21
Morin, L. See CromS

— J-. 179
Morlaix, 44

Morocco, Sherif of, 81, 83

328

INDEX

Morrhe, G., 145, 146

Moyens d'abus, 304

Mundus novus, 29, 237

Milnster, Sebastian, 29, 32, 56, 62,

63, 183
Muret, M.-A., 149, 219, 320
Musgrave, S., 221, 222

Naigeon, J.-A., 270

Natali, P. de', 208

N6obar, C, 147, 164

Neuf Preux, Les, 15, 22

Neufville, J. de, 217

Nevers, 163

Newfoundland, 40, 41, 42, 43, 49,

52, 53. 59, 77
New France, 40
New Testament, the, 147, 148
Nicander, 225, 226
Niccol6 de' Niccoli, 235, 236
Nice, treaty of, 42, 167, 193
Nicole, 264, 265, 269
Nifio, Pedro Alonso, 27, 33
Nismes, University of, 150, 151, 164
Nolhac, P. de, 320
North-West passage, the, 57, 61, 62
Norton, Miss G., 284
Nourry, Claude, 15, 23
Nouveau Monde, Le, 28, 177, 206
Novum Testamentum, 215
Novus Orbis, 29-39, 62, 137, 183,

187, 193, 212
Nyverd, J., 192

Ochino, B., 91

Ogier le Danois, 15, 16, 17, 21

OUvetan, P.-R., 136

Olivier de Castile, 15, 24

Olivier of Lyons, 130

Olonue, 59, 60, 6i

Oresme, N., 178

Orleans, Duchess of (mother of

Louis XII), 2
— University of, 3, 151, 153, 154,

163
Orleans, Jean d', 128, 129
Osiander, 216
Oudineau, 319

Ovid, 5, 69, 90, no, 187, 209, 226
Oviedo, 55

Pace, R., 125

Padua, University of, 153, 159

Paesi novamente retrovati, 26-29,

176, 206
Pagnini, Sanctes, 136, 157, 158
Palamide, 12
Pandects, 99, 124
Panzer, 145, 168, 204
Parabolae, the, 7
Paradisi, P., 136

Paris, Parlement of , 68, 72, 106, 135,

137, 138, 140

— University of, i, 128; Colleges:
Bayeux, 230; Burgundy, 133, 167;
Cambrai, 133; Coqueret, 167, 225,
227; Lemoine, 133; Lisieux, 133;
Montaigu, 134; Navarre, 126, 130,
131, 137, 230; Presles, 167; Sainte-
Barbe, 134, 135, 139, 161; Sor-
bonne, 126, 145, 146; Tr6guier,
133; Trois fivSques, Les, 133

— booksellers' stalls and shops, 174,
175-176

Paris et Vienna, 15, 24
Parma, 83

— Duke of, 311, 313
Parmentier, Jean, 41
Pascal, 259, 260-263, 268, 277
PasquaUgo, Pietro, 28
Pasquier, E., 230, 232
Passart, 319

Pater, Walter, 274

Paihelin, 185, 186, 212

Patrizi, F., 177, 186, 195, 206, 207,

211
Pattison, Mark, 301
Paul, St, Epistles, 198, 214
Paul III, 94
Payen, J.-F., 273
Pearson, Prof., 320
Pedro da Cintra, 27
Peletier, J., 123, 200, 229-232, 252
Pellicier, G., 156
Perceforest, 13, 18, 19, 23, 182, 192,

209
Perceval le Gallois, 12, 18, 23, 182,

196, 210
Perotti, Nicolas, 6
Peter Martyr, 27, 31, 37
Petit, Guillaume, 198, 214

— Jean, 21, 23, 171, 173, 176, 190,
197

Petrarch, 178, 187, 195, 207, 230,

234
Petrus de Ponte, 5
Petrus Hispanus, Sumtmtlae, 4
Philip VI, 202
Philip the Good, 13
Philippi, 14

Pico della Mirandola, 237, 242
Picot, fi., 204

Pierre de Provence, 13, 14, 16, 24
Pigafetta, 33

Pindar, 146, 223, 224, 226, 227, 230
Pins, Jean de, 128, 129, 155, 165
Pinzou, 27
Pius II, 36, 38, 212
Placards, the affair of the, 193, 194
Platina, 206
Plato, 146, 268
Plattard, J., 17, 66, 67, 69, 238

INDEX

329

P16iade, the; 219, 228-232

Pliny, 36, 69, III, 114, 115, 118,

119, 141, 156, 212, 243
Plutarch, 91, 95, 96, 99, 124, 145,

160, 203, 251
Poitiers, Diane de, 68, 76, 84, 190

— University of, 151-152, 163, 165
Pole, Cardinal, 154

Politique du temps, Le, 300

Poncher, £., 128

Pontanus, 113

Ponthus et la belle Sidoine, 14, 16, 24

Portus, E., 221

— F., 221

Postel, 123, 134, 138-141, 191, 201,

Poyet, G., 139

Prester John, 34, 35

Prevost, 318

Principe, II, 188

Prouesses d'Hercule, Les, 15, 22

Prussia, 31

Ptolemy, 62, 63

Puits-Herbault, G. de, 74, 241

Puy du Palinod, the, 11

Quaire fils Aymon, Les, 12, 13, 14,

16, 17, 18, 21
Quebec, 42, 43, 59
Quijoue, G., 5
Quimper, 44
Quin, W., 132
Quintilian, 289

. Kabelais, 26-122, 123, 143, 150, 151,
152, 155, 156, 157, 162, 163, 165,
227, 233, 238-258; Les grandes
Cronicques, 16, 18; Pantagrtiel, 17,
32-35; Gargantua, 35, 164, 239,
241-242; ThirdBook, 45, 201,244;
Fourth Book, 45-53, 58-84, 240-
241, 244; FifthBook, 35-39, 53-54.
85-122, 243, 244-245; Panta-
grueline Prognostication, 245; Al-
manac for 1548, 68; Sciomachie, 66

Raemond, F. de, 286-287

Ramberge or roberge, 79, 80

Ramus, P., 167

Ramusio, 40, 44

Ranjonnet, A. de, 149

Ravenna, battle of, 173

Ra)mier, J., 157

Rebuffy, P., 213

Recueil des histoires de Troye, the,
13, 14, 22

Regnault, F., 24, 182 1

— P., 5

Reinhard, printer, 14
Rembolt, B., 173
Renan, 286, 289
Rinaud de Montauban, 13

Renouard, Ph., 175, 179, 191
Riveille-matin, the, 298-301, 303
RMtoriqueur school, the, 184, 185
Rhodiginus, Coelius, 113, 114, 120
Richard sans peur, 13, 17, 24
Robert le Diable, 14, 16, 17, 24
Roberval, 43, 45, 46, 53, 64, 77, 90,

91, 96
Robortelli, 222
Roce, D., 171
Rochefort, Guy de, 8, 9
Rodez, 162
RofEet, P., 44

Roigny, J. de, 172, 180, 190
Roland, Mme, 270
RoUand, N., 316
Romain, H., 209
Roman d'Alexandre, the, 12
Roman de la Rose, the, 17, 181, 185,

200, 208, 210, 211
Roman de Thibes, the, 12
Romier, L., 66-74, 78. 82
Rondelet, G., 156
Ronsard, 219, 224-232, 320
Rose, Bishop of Senlis, 318
Rossant, A., 308
Rouen, 57, 80; printing press, 5
Rouer, R. de, 201
Rousseau, J.-J., 242, 269, 270
Rousselet, C, 161, 162
Roville, G., 158
Rowbarge, 80
Roye, J. de, 198, 218
Roze, Jean, 64

Rudimentum noviciorum, 30, 199
Ruel, E., 277-281, 290
Russia, 31

Ruutz-Rees, Miss, 163, 165
Ruz6, A., 213, 215

— L., 128, 131

Sabl6, Mme de, 261
Saci, M. de, 260, 261
Sadoleto, 125, 159
Saguenay, district of, 43, 57

— river, 58

Sain6an, L., 46, 47, no, 115
St Brandan, Isle of, 54, 64
Saint-Denys, J. de, 15, 171
Saint-Di6, 29

Sainte-Beuve, 270, 271, 272
St Elmo, fire of, 109
Sainte-Marthe, C. de, 165-166

— S. de, 219
Saint-fivremond, 277
Saint-Gelais, MelUn de, 46, 47, 181,

194

— Octovien de, 184, 209
Saint-Graal, Le, 12, 18, 23, 176, 205
St John, Knights of, 83

— Bayle, 273

330

INDEX

Saint- Junien, io8

St Lawrence, river, 42, 61, 64

— gulf of, 53, 54, 64
Saiut-Maixent, 108
Saint-Malo, 41, 42, 43, 45, 47, 48,

50, 80, 104
Saint-Maur, 72, 77
Saintonge, 46, 48
Sallust, 69
Salmon. See Macrin
Salutati, C, 234
San Pedro, D. de, 181, 208
Sarasin, Jean-Frau9ois, 11
Sark, 47

Satire MSnippie, the, 294, 295, 300
Saumur, 108
ScaUger, J.-C, 155

— J.-J., 109, 140, 155, 219, 220,
221, 222

Scfeve, G., 157, 158

— M., 157, 181
Schenck, 14, 24
Schoner, globe of, 62
Segrais, Jean Regnauld de, 11
Selve, G. de, 130, 159, 160, 165, 203,

218

— J. de, 205
Senault, 318, 319

Seneca, 118, 234, 235, 236, 250, 251,

263, 288
Senegal, 27

Sergeut, Pierre, 15, 22, 171
Semigi, Girolamo, 27
Serres, J. de, 301
Sertenas, Vincent, 20, 25, 171
Servius, 8g, 90, 93, 96
S6vign6, Mme de, 267
SeviUe, 39, 54, 55, 57
Sextus Empiricus, 288
Seyssel, C. de, 199, 215, 218
Shaftesbury, third Earl of, 268
Shakespeare, 52, 248
Shield of France, the, 15
Sidrach, 183, 187, 211
"Sixteen," the, 317-319
Sixtus V, 304, 308
Smith, W. F., 59, 69, 74, 89, 90, 91,

93. 98, 99. Ill, 113. 116, 120, 238,

239
Socrates, 253, 254, 255, 258, 283
Soderini, Piero, 29, 237
SoUman the Magnificent, 80, 83, 141
Songe du Verdier, Le, 176, 186, 205
"Songecreux" (J. du Pontalais),

185, 210
Sophocles, 144, 145, 160, 227;

Philoctetes, 320
Sorley, Prof., 253
Spanheim, E., 220
Spice islands, 54
Stadacone, 42

Stanley, T., 220, 222

Stapfer, P., 274

Statins, 320

Steinschaber, 14, 20, 24

SteUa, E., 31

Stewart, Mary, 295

Stobaeus, 236

Strasbourg, 150

Strazel, 130

Strowski, F., 285-287

Sturm, J., 150, 151, 165

Suetonius, 69, 187, 196, 207

Sulpizio di Veroh, 6

Sumatra, 33, 41

Surgetus, J., 173, 174, 204

Susann6e, H., 161, 162, 163, 164

Sviyask, 81

Syperis de Vinevaulx, 25

Tabourot, fi., 102

Taprobana (Sumatra), 33

Tartas, J. de, 133, 148, 165

TeUn, G., 197, 213

Tennyson, 249

Terence, 5, 6, 162

Temate, 33

Textor, Ravisius, 116

Teyva, J. de, 134, 149

Thelema, Abbey of, 35

Thenauld, Jean, 36, 38

Theocritus, 223, 224, 226, 320

Theodulus, 7

Theseus de Cologne, 25

The vet, Andre, 51, 141

Thiard, P. de, 229, 231, 232

Thome, Robert, 57

Thou, J. de, 230

Thucydides, 146

Tignonville, G. de, 183, 187

Tigre, Le, 294, 295, 296

Tiraqueau, A., 152, 180, 191, 207

Tobias, 7

Tolet, J., 144, 157

Tory, G., 38, 170

Toulouse, Parlement of, 154

— University of, 152, 153, 154, 161,
162, 167

Toumes, J. de, 158
Touruon, Ceirdinal, 133, 142
Toiirs, 113

— Pierre de, 69

Toussain, J., 123, 130, 131, 136

Traictez singuliers, 180, 208

Transylvanus, Maximilian, 31

Traversari, A., 236

Tregury, Michael, i

Trent, Council of, 69, 73, 74, 130

Trepperel, Jean, 15, 20, 21, 169, 171

— Veuve, 19
Trevisan, Angelo, 27

Trinity College, Lyons, 157, 164, 166

INDEX

331

Tripoli, 83

Tristan, 12, 15, 18, 19, 23

Triumphante et glorieuse victoire,

189, 209
Trois fits de Roi, 13, 24
Trois grands, Les, 22
Tumult of Amboise, the, 295
Tunstall, C, 125
Turgenev, I., 246
Tumdbe, A., 123, 131, 134, 154, 219,

220, 222, 225, 227, 228, 320
Turpin, 13, 21

Ulpius, globe of, 57
Urf4 Ch. d', 189

Vadiauus, 125

Valence, University of, 152, 153, 162

Valentin et Orson, 14, 16, 17, 24

Valerius Maximns, 69

Valla, Lorenzo, 6; De voluptate,

235-236
Vallambert, S., 162
Valine, B. de, 149
Vanini, 253
Varengeville, 40

Varthema, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37
Vasco da Gama, 27, 34
Vascosan, M. de, 146, 172, 190
Vatable, F., 123, 133, 135-136, 139
Vauzelles, the brothers de, 157
Venezuela, 34
Verard, A., 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 170,

171, 183, 197
Vergecio, A., 147
Verrazzano, Giovanni, 39-40, 41, 54,

55. 56, 57. 137
— Girolamo, 56
Vespucci, 26, 27, 29, 33, 177, 236,

237
Vettori, P. (Victoiius), 220, 222
Viart, G., 172
Viau, Th. de, 253
Vicomercato, F., 142

Vidoue, P., 144, 190, 191, 192, 195,

196
Vienne, river, io8
Villanovauus, 158, 159, 208
Villemain, A., 270
ViUey, P., 251, 252, 285, 287-290,

293
Villon, 4, 75, 114, 185, 186, 195, 198,

212

Vindiciae contra iyrannos, 295, 298,

300
Vinet, A., 271, 272
Vingle, J. de, 25
Vintimille, J. de, 157
Virgil, 5, 69, 185, 187, 189, 210, 226,

228
Visagier, 155, 160, 161, 162
Vittoriao da Feltre, 235
Vives, L., 201, 216
Voiture, 261
Volc5Tre, N. de, 209
Voltaire, 268, 269
Vos, G., 220, 221, 222
— I., 220, 221, 222
Vostre, S., 171
Vulteius. See Visagier

WaldseemuUer, 29, 30
Walpole, Horace, 268
Wauquelin, Jean, 13
Wechel, 137, 145, 146
Whibley, Ch., 274
Winter, Thomas, 132
Wolmar, Melchior, 128, 153-154
Wordsworth, 246, 249

Xeuomanes, 45, 46, 47
Xenophon, loi, 146, 289

Ysaie le Triste, 23, 179, 191, 207

Zazius, 125
Zebed^e, A., 149
Zeno, 233

PRINTED IN ENGLAND BY J. B. PEACE, M.A.
AT THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

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